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O.E.C.D.

Based on David Suzuki’s report “Sustainability within a Generation” :
Despite our reputation, Canada is struggling environmentally. In an extensive 2005 study called The Maple Leaf in the OECD: Comparing Progress Toward Sustainability, Canada finished 28th out of 30 OECD countries on indicators such as air, water, waste and climate change. Canadians are known for their love of nature, but there is a large gap between our environmental stewardship values and our environmental record. To close this gap and put Canada on a true path to sustainability by the year 2030, the David Suzuki Foundation has developed an action plan called Sustainability within a Generation: A New Vision for Canada. Written by leading environmental thinker, David Boyd, the report clearly outlines the solutions to Canada’s environmental challenges.
Canada has the ability to become a world leader in sustainability and environmental stewardship. We can do this by:
    • Improving efficiency: Canada has a poor record of resource use, and over 90 per cent of material extracted for use in manufacturing goes to waste. We can improve by applying energy efficiency standards to appliances, passenger vehicles, homes and commercial buildings.
      Improving water efficiency standards, shifting to renewable energy sources like wind, solar and micro-hydro would also help us achieve this goal.
    • Eliminating waste and pollution: Eliminating waste means designing production and consumption processes and patterns so that waste is not created. In addition to reducing environmental impacts, reducing waste can produce economic opportunities, create jobs, and save money.
    • Building sustainable cities (and communities): We can promote regional and national planning that integrates transportation, land-use and environmental planning; and ensuring municipal infrastructure is sustainable and based on smart growth. It’s also important to put an end to urban sprawl, which causes air pollution, water pollution, habitat destruction, gridlock, and loss of productive land.
Copies of the Executive Summary and full report are available at http://www.davidsuzuki.org/WOL/Sustainability/

Nova Scotia Online Services

http://www.gov.ns.ca/snsmr/onlineservices/home/

Canadian Coast Guard-Maritime Services

Nova Scotia Boat Ramp Locations

The Nova Scotia Ramp Report was first produced by the Nova Scotia Department of Fisheries and Aquaculture in 1994. It served as a guide for companies, individuals and other agencies searching for a suitable ramp for launching their commercial or recreational boat. It proved to be extremely valuable and with approval from the department, today known as Department of Agriculture and Fisheries, it was decided that it should be updated and placed on the department's website.
Many of the ramps which currently exist were funded by programs administered by the Nova Scotia Department of Agriculture and Fisheries, the Nova Scotia Department of Economic Development, and the Federal Department of Fisheries and Oceans. The Nova Scotia Department of Natural Resources has constructed launch ramps to complement a range of services offered to recreational boaters and fishermen. These ramps are located in provincial parks or campgrounds.

Tides, Currents and Water Levels

The Tides, Currents, and Water Levels Web Site provides predicted times and heights of high and low waters, and the hourly water levels for over seven hundred stations in Canada. The printed version is published yearly and is available through the authorized chart dealers. Presently there are no actual current predictions available on the Web site.
 

Nova Scotia and the Sea Website

This new website features original material rarely seen before and now available for the first time on the internet. Highlights include log books, digitized in their entirety , for privateer vessels, letters and art work.
 Nova Scotia and the Sea is available on the Nova Scotia Archives and Records Management website at: www.gov.ns.ca/nsarm/nsandsea

Canadian Based Publications Online

http://www.cs.cmu.edu/Unofficial/Canadiana/CA-zines.html#Papers

Check Out These Photos of the Nova Scotia Fishery

http://home.istar.ca/~gadus/fisher1.html

Canadian Fisheries Management in the Twenty-First Century

Explanatory Note
In the spring of 1997, three Canadian academics, Professors Hutchings (Dalhousie University), Haedrich (Memorial University of Newfoundland) and Walters (University of British Columbia), published a stinging attack on Canada's Department of Fisheries & Oceans (DFO) in the pages of the Canadian Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences. The news media kept the resulting controversy alive through that summer, with Stephen Thorne of Canadian Press playing a leading role, while several editorials in Atlantic Canadian newspapers (including one that I wrote for Atlantic Fisherman) called for an official inquiry into the Department's management of the fisheries. The federal government, in the person of the then-Minister of Fisheries & Oceans, Hon. David Anderson M.P., rejected those calls. However, in the fall the House of Commons Standing Committee on Fisheries & Oceans began its own investigation, under the leadership of its then-Chairman, Mr. George Baker M.P. -- a member of the governing Liberal Party but still a vocal critic of the fisheries policies of the government.

The issues surrounding fisheries and their management are intricately complex and give endless scope for confusion. Even before the Standing Committee began its work, it was clear that the different interest groups were arguing on different planes, each emphasizing the strengths of its own position and the weaknesses of its opponents' arguments when those were judged in the frame of reference prefered by whoever was speaking. That approach cannot lead anywhere but to contradiction and confusion. Instead, if anything worthwhile is to emerge, it is essential first to expand the debate to encompass all viewpoints and then for each interest group to explore the weaknesses of its own position and the strengths of all counter-arguments.

It was also abundantly clear at the time that some of the original criticisms of DFO were simply wrong, while the solutions being promoted from within the universities seemed not so much unreasonable as downright misguided; though only those with broad experience in fisheries management will have understood why. Meanwhile, some of DFO's rebutals were, in their turn, little more than evasions, which made even its valid arguments seem less than convincing. Moreover, my initial interactions with the Standing Committee suggested that its members mostly lacked the specialist understanding of fisheries science and management that they would need to find their way through the complex of contradictory information that they were being given.

In that setting, and particularly considering that the Standing Committee was offering the only public review of DFO's performance that we were likely to see in the 1990s, I decided that independent fisheries scientists (free of the constraints that restrict colleagues within DFO) were duty-bound to speak out. To remain silent was to become part of the problems besetting Canada's fisheries and thus to abandon the very objectives of fisheries science. Furthermore, it was not sufficient to add to the cacophony of contradictory statements being offered to the Committee's members. Rather, what was needed was a balanced examination of the issues and a concrete proposal for a route forward. Such a submission could attract criticism and thus needed to be presented in sufficient detail that it could not be casually dismissed by those who disliked its conclusions.

It should also be said that such a submission was always likely to be ignored by those with the power to implement the suggestions that it contained. Equally, if any interest group took up those suggestions and advanced them, it was to be expected that the ideas would be distorted and manipulated to suit special interests. In preparing my submission, I did not suppose that its fate would be any more positive. That is not, however, adequate reason to refrain from engaging, at a professional level, in a public debate of such importance.

The formal submission to the Standing Committee which arose from these reflections eventually ran to nearly 40 pages, arranged in twelve independent "essays", plus a summary and an introduction. It was sent to the Standing Committee in January 1998, when a copy was also sent to Mr. Anderson for his information and that of his staff. To nobody's great surpise, I never received any formal response from the Standing Committee, though I was once asked to appear before them in Ottawa. The invitation came so late that there was no possibility of my responding. (For his part, Mr. Anderson did respond in April 1998, even though the material had only been sent to him for information. As was to be expected, his letter was polite but dismissive.)

In due course, the Standing Committee produced its East Coast Report of March 1998 -- an interesting document though obviously destined to be as ignored as most other transient comments on the Atlantic Canadian fisheries. Later that year, Mr.ÊBaker was removed from the Chairmanship of his Committee, which then lapsed into quiescence. (In the summer of 1999, he was promoted to Prime Minister Chretien's cabinet.)

It might be best to leave my submission in the oblivion to which the Committee consigned it. However, in the belief that it may contain ideas of some lasting value, it is here published on the Web, as a verbatim copy (aside from corrections of a few spelling and grammatical errors) of the version sent to the Standing Committee and the Minister. Whatever the merits of my specific suggestions, I hope that they will contribute to the wider debate on the ways in which Canada's fisheries, and those of other countries, should be managed.

Since this material has not be updated since it was submitted in January 1998, certain points made may no longer be valid. DFO's science machine, for example, seems to have halted its prolonged decline during 1997-98 and has since begin to show some signs of revitalization -- morale, funding, staffing levels and sense of purpose have all improved since my essays were composed. In 1999, the Department has even commenced an effort to draw together an explicit statement of policy, as recommended in my final essay.

Trevor Kenchington
Gadus Associates

August 1999

Canadian Fisheries Management in the Twenty-First Century

Links to the Text of the Submission

The original submission was structured as a summary, an introduction and twelve "essays". The latter were not intended to be read in any particular order and, to facilitate that flexibility, the fourteen items were loose-bound. The material is here reproduced in two forms. First, the text is available to be read on-line, following the original structure:

Summary
Introduction
A Time for Radical Change
Canada Needs a Fisheries Policy
A Place for Unnatural Science
The Seamless Web of Science
Whither Fisheries Science?
Imprecisions and Uncertainty
Stock Assessment and the Private Sector
Contradictions and Conflicts
Scales of Time and Space
Fishermen, Councils and Control
Trouble at the Centre: DFO in the 1990s
Looking Towards a Solution

Marine Protected Areas:A Fisheries Management Perspective

Marine Protected Areas:
A fisheries management perspective

by Trevor J. Kenchington PhD
Gadus Associates
© Gadus Associates 1995
Introduction

Marine Protected Areas (MPAs) have an important place in the future of Canadian oceans management. They should not, however, be seen as a primary fisheries management tool. Indeed, except in special circumstances, MPAs are not expected to be of direct benefit to the fisheries. Rather, their principal value to fisheries management is as a "hedge" against the unexpected; a means to avoid management failure when our knowledge of the resources is so uncertain.
In this presentation, I will explore the place of MPAs in Canadian fisheries management and will make three main suggestions:
  • MPAs should be used as a tool for fisheries management in the face of uncertainty,
  • MPAs should otherwise be regarded as one of a number of tools available to fisheries management and should only be used when they are the "best" way to achieve management objectives, and
  • The entire EEZ should be managed as a "Protected Area", within which different restrictions would apply in various zones and some particular (highly restricted) zones would be declared as MPAs.
Definition of MPA

A Marine Protected Area (MPA) is here taken to mean a long-term, year-round closure of a sea area to some or all fishing activity. Other forms of human activity might also be restricted in that area. This definition differs from that adopted by the UN Man and the Biosphere Program1 in being more specific and more oriented to the requirements of fisheries management.

Short-term closures of certain areas, such as those that now apply to most Atlantic Canadian groundfish resources, are an appropriate and sometimes necessary emergency management measure. They are also a conventional tool of fisheries management which should not be confused with the emerging idea of MPAs.

Seasonal closures of particular areas have been termed "MPAs" by some. Yet they too are well-known fishery management tools and have only secondary effects on elements of the marine ecosystem other than resource species. (It will do little for benthic habitats, for example, if bottom fishing gear is excluded from an area for a few months each year when that area is heavily dragged during the rest of the season.) Thus, there seems little advantage in broadening the definition of MPAs to include seasonal closures2.

There have even been suggestions that a series of "MPAs" could be opened to fishing in rotation, allowing sedentary resources to be produced in a protected setting and then exploited when the area is opened - essentially creating an endless series of "pulse fisheries". This too is an established, though rather uncommon, fisheries management technique, known simply as "rotation management". Regarding the various areas in such management as "MPAs" seems likely to cause only confusion.

The draft Oceans Act clearly distinguishes between MPAs and the established methods of fishery resource conservation and habitat protection. I recommend that that distinction be maintained, even when MPAs are considered as fishery management measures.

MPA Objectives Outside the Fisheries

There are many reasons for declaring an MPA which do not directly relate to fisheries management. These can include:
  • Protection of rare or otherwise special species (e.g. right whales)
  • Protection of examples of particular habitats (cf. terrestrial protected areas)
  • Protection of submerged historic sites (particularly shipwrecks)
  • Provision of ecological research facilities, especially for studies of benthic ecology
  • Provision of recreational areas (usually for shallow-water SCUBA-diving tourism)
These objectives are closely similar to those underlying most national park programs on land. They are all valid and important concerns for public policy which should be addressed by the Government of Canada. However, none of these objectives offer direct benefits to the fisheries. Some (particularly the ecological research) may create indirect benefits for them and MPAs designed to meet any of these objectives may have unintended benefits of various kinds. Nevertheless, MPA programs focused on any of these objectives should not be expected to offer much benefit to the fisheries.

Indeed, by limiting or preventing fishing activity in extensive sea areas, such MPAs can be expected to have significant negative effects on fisheries. Where other policy concerns may properly over-ride fisheries issues, MPAs may be appropriate but they should then be acknowledged as harmful to fishing interests, which may deserve compensation for lost opportunities.

MPAs as a Fisheries Management Tool

It has generally been assumed by marine fisheries scientists (probably correctly, in most cases) that fishing effort is the principal human impact on fisheries resources. Excluding fishing from the area of an MPA can, therefore, be expected to lead to an increase in resource biomass and, perhaps, in its production. That extra biomass will, however, be unavailable to the fishery (being within the MPA), which will indeed experience an initial loss of available resource when it is excluded from access to the existing (if depleted) resources of the MPA area. Thus, for an MPA to benefit the fishery, it is not sufficient that it enhances resource levels within its boundaries -- it must lead to an increase in available resource biomass outside those boundaries. Furthermore, that increase must exceed the level of previously-available biomass within those boundaries before the MPA can be regarded as producing any net direct benefit to the fisheries.

If the area of the MPA was previously a preferred fishing ground, the industry will be compelled to compensate for loss of access by fishing in places where its costs are higher (assuming that the former fishing grounds were, in some sense, socio-economically optimal). Thus, the net increase in available biomass must be great enough to offset this extra cost before such an MPA could be regarded as a desirable fisheries management measure.

This external biomass increase obviously requires that part of the resource flows out of the MPA in some way. (Closing all of 2J3KL to cod fishing is a necessary emergency measure. If that closure were maintained indefinitely, however, it might result in a rich population of northern cod but those fish would rarely leave the closed area and so would not be available to any fishery.) Supplying a resource to fished areas also requires, of course, that the MPA is capable of enhancing resource production within its boundaries. That it will only do if the resource animals spend much of their lives within protected waters. (Closing the Hell Hole to tuna fishing, for example, would serve little purpose. The fish would certainly swim out of the closed area quickly, becoming available to the fishery, but they would spend so little of their lives within it that it would do little or nothing to affect biomass levels3.) For an MPA to return benefits to the fishery, therefore, it is critically important that its size, location and borders are appropriate to the particular biology of the resource and technology of the fishery that it is designed to enhance.

In some cases, particular features of the resource or fishery can serve to define clear and appropriate borders for us. In other cases, we face a very intricate problem which requires far more knowledge of the resources than we presently have. Selecting the borders of a fishery MPA may be the greatest problem confronting the use of MPAs as a fishery management tool.

Defining the Problems

In order to select these borders, we must first know what conservation problems face a particular fishery. There will be no benefit, for example, in protecting spawning stock biomass unless (1) the resource is limited by a lack of recruits and (2) the number of recruits is limited by a lack of spawning biomass. There is little evidence for the latter in most of our fisheries.

Once the problems have been identified, we must determine solutions and then select among the various options for achieving those solutions. If the problem is seen to be low juvenile survival, as a result of incidental destruction by fishing gear, the solution would clearly be to prevent that destruction. We would still need to pick among the tools at our disposal: an MPA covering the nursery area, an increase in mesh size, restrictions on some types of fishing gear, introduction of "conservation technology" modifications to that gear, and so on. The choice should presumably be based on grounds of efficiency and efficacy (in their widest senses), perhaps modified by equitability.

Understanding the Biology

If an MPA were decided upon as the management tool of choice, before drawing its boundaries we would need to know enough of the biology of the resource to ensure that closing the area would substantially enhance biomass levels inside. This is very largely a matter of understanding the factors that will limit that biomass. (For example: If biomass in the MPA will be strongly limited by recruitment, and if that is limited by spawning stock size, then it is important that the MPA be large enough and so situated that it can receive recruits from within -- the population will not increase if it draws its recruits from depleted areas outside its boundaries.)

We would also need to understand how the resource will flow out to fished areas outside the MPA. Among other mechanisms, this might be achieved by:
  • The migration of maturing juveniles from an MPA nursery ground to the adult, fished grounds,
  • The drift of planktonic eggs and/or larvae, produced by spawning adults within an MPA, to settlement sites on the fished grounds, or
  • The slow movement of adults from an over-populated MPA to the fished grounds, as they search for food or living space.
Whichever of these forms of "flow" is expected, before drawing MPA boundaries, it will be essential to know its amount, plus the direction and distance that the fish or larvae will move.

Understanding the Fishery

If an MPA is to benefit a fishery, it will also be essential that its boundaries are drawn appropriately to match the needs of that fishery. It will not help if, for example, fish "flow" out of the MPA but only into areas that, for technical reasons, are unfishable. Nor will it usually be desirable if certain groups of fishermen find themselves shut out of their only grounds, while the benefits of enhanced fishing are enjoyed by people from other ports or who use other kinds of gear. Thus, before we establish a fishery MPA, we should ensure that we truly understand the fisheries we are trying to help -- something that is rare in Canada.

Ideally, we would be able to acquire sufficient understanding of both the industry and its resource to predict, with useful precision, the result of establishing an MPA. In managing real fisheries, that will rarely be possible and the choice of an MPA as the "best" management tool, along with that of the boundaries to use, will have to be a matter of judgement. Indeed, very often our knowledge is insufficient even for that -- and therein lies the principal value of MPAs to fisheries management.

MPAs as a Precautionary Measure

The above arguments assume that fisheries managers can have effective knowledge of the resources and their environments. This is patently untrue -- most of our resource species are poorly understood, estimates of their sustainable yields are highly imprecise, knowledge of the key constraints on their production is founded on untested assumptions, and their ecological relationships are almost unknown. That being so, one key to successful fisheries management lies in application of the precautionary principle: When we do not know what we are doing, it will always pay to tread lightly.

Thus, the primary reason for establishing fishery MPAs is that they can set aside areas of the ocean where the natural resource production processes can continue, even if all human attempts at fisheries management go completely wrong4. Whether seen in terms of a "hedge" against uncertainty or of reserving some minimum-acceptable part of the ocean ecosystem beyond human interference, such "precautionary" MPAs should probably play a major part in Canadian marine fisheries management in the early 21st century.

The greater the uncertainty confronting fisheries managers, the greater the need for such MPAs. Indeed, our present lack of useful knowledge is so severe that a strict interpretation of FAO's draft Code of Conduct for Responsible Fisheries could lead to the complete closure of all fishing grounds. That is clearly not an acceptable option. It does mean that appropriate "precautionary" MPAs should be selected through wise judgement, seeking to balance the exclusion of the fishing industry from productive grounds with the need to ensure the continued productivity of those grounds, all without usefully precise information on the industry or its resources -- a form of decision-making for which the FRCC was designed.

If we truly knew nothing of our fisheries resources, it would be sufficient to declare a large part of the ocean as "precautionary" MPAs and then to trust to luck -- less reliance on "luck" requiring either larger MPAs, and so smaller fisheries, or else some knowledge with which to reduce our uncertainty. In reality, we do know something and could quickly and cheaply learn more. Blind selection of "precautionary" MPAs would, therefore, be inefficient. The size and location of such MPAs should be selected using some approach to the process outlined for "deterministic" MPAs, though the final decision will have to be a matter of judgement within a fog of uncertainty5.

How Might a Fishery MPA Work

Whether a fishery MPA is designed as a careful solution to a specific management problem or as a "precautionary" measure, it will not benefit the fisheries unless it works -- in both biological and technical senses -- and preferably does so more efficiently than other management tools would. There are several mechanisms through which either kind of MPA might help, though each will only apply in specific biological and technical circumstances6.

Support Effective Spawning

Conventional marine fisheries management aims to keep the spawning stock biomass (SSB) of an exploited population high enough to ensure future recruitment, while primarily emphasizing efficient use of the growth potential of the recruits. This approach can, however, lead to a resource having no more than a minimal SSB, comprised predominantly of young adults. Since there is increasing evidence that, ton for ton, older adults may be more successful spawners, this approach has limitations, even if the assessments are accurate and the resulting regulations are obeyed7. Should the management process be deficient, of course, the SSB may be seriously depleted regardless of the biological characteristics of the resource.

It may, therefore, be desirable to adopt management techniques that protect some quantity of multi-year spawners (while still also protecting juveniles) and ensure that a proportion of the recruits survive long enough to enter this protected class. These objectives can be achieved by various means (including "slot limits" on fish lengths) but, for some species, "spawning reserve" MPAs are certainly a viable option. This supposes, of course, that the MPA is sufficiently large, relative to the annual movements of the species in question, for the closure to provide effective protection for the adults within its border. It also supposes that the offspring of those adults will recruit to fished areas outside the MPA. Since most marine resource species have planktonic eggs and/or larvae, this latter condition will usually be met -- provided that the MPA's boundaries are appropriately drawn.

One case for which such an MPA has been seriously suggested is the Bay of Fundy scallop resource. This is certainly recruitment-limited and there is some reason to think that that recruitment is itself limited by low spawning stock biomass. Because of the low movement of adult scallops (along with the low age at recruitment to the fishery, coupled to the high rates of fishing mortality on fished beds), closure of a "spawning reserve" MPA should produce major increases in egg production within the protected area8. Most of these eggs would settle as spat outside the reserve's boundaries, provided that the MPA was not excessively large. For this to be beneficial to the fishery, however, (1) the MPA must be large enough and contain rich enough scallop beds that the increase in (fertilized) egg production there is significant in terms of the overall size of the resource and (2) the MPA must be situated up-current of potential fishing grounds, such that the spat it produces can settle, grow and be fished.

"Spawning reserve" MPAs may increase the production of viable, fertilized eggs to a greater extent than they enhance SSB and population fecundity if:
  • The spawning fish are vulnerable to disturbance (e.g. of their mating behaviour) by fishing activity,
  • Effective egg fertilization requires high adult densities (as may occur with sedentary species such as clams),
  • The eggs themselves are liable to destruction by fishing gear (as may occur with such bottom spawners as herring, capelin, lumpfish or whelks), and/or
  • The condition of the seabed influences mating behaviour or egg survival and fishing gear can damage the bottom.
In the first and third of these cases, a seasonal closure of the spawning ground might be a preferable alternative to, and just as effective as, a year-round MPA. In the first, third and fourth, it might be sufficient to exclude only certain gear types from the "spawning reserve" MPA.

Enhance Juvenile Survival

Maximizing recruitment is critically important for most fisheries. For fisheries management, the most important aspect of this is usually maximizing pre-recruit survival (from the time of settlement to the seabed until recruitment to the fishery). Once again, there are various means of achieving this but, where discrete nursery grounds can be identified, their closure as fishery MPAs can be both efficient and effective. Indeed, nursery ground closures have a long an honourable history in fisheries management. The primary alternative approach, designing fishing gear that releases pre-recruits, can never be more than a partial success; exposure to the gear will always involve some degree of stress to a juvenile and may cause severe (if non-fatal) damage. Thus, even when gear controls appear to be effective, a nursery MPA may be preferable.

Maturing juvenile fish naturally move from their nursery areas to their adult habitat -- the fishing grounds (a movement known as "denatent migration"). Thus, the "flow" of resource out of such an MPA is assured -- provided that the area closed does truly represent a nursery for grounds elsewhere. Well-defined, inshore nursery areas are known for some European resources and for some in the U.S. Mid-Atlantic Bight. Unfortunately, few Atlantic Canadian marine fishery resource populations have nursery grounds clearly separated from their adult habitat. Thus, it may not be easy to design effective, efficient nursery MPAs for this area -- protecting juveniles would be straightforward, if the MPA were large enough, but ensuring that they eventually recruited to the fished grounds would not be.

Export Excess Adults

MPAs based on the above principles would "work", in part, by supplying larvae or recruits to the fished grounds. There is a third type of "resource flow" which carries land mammals out of game sanctuaries and which has been suggested as a mechanism of reserves for (non-migratory) tropical reef fish resources. This type of "flow" requires that the MPA is large enough for its closure to result in the local build-up of resource biomass, through some combination of improved recruitment, survival and growth. It further requires that, once the biomass becomes high enough, individuals of resource species drift outwards from the MPA, in search of food, living space or (in those species which have them) territories.

An MPA based on this mechanism would differ from a nursery MPA since the area closed would necessarily be part of the adult habitat (though it might also have to include the corresponding nursery area, if the biomass within the MPA were to increase). It would differ from a spawning reserve MPA in that adult fish, rather than larvae, would be expected to flow out of the closed area. With this form of "flow", MPA size would be crucial since too small an area will prevent the local increase of biomass while too large a one will limit outward movement (by lowering the perimeter-length : enclosed-area ratio).

Whether reef fish reserves based on this principle actually work is currently a matter for scientific debate. (There is some evidence that fish actually migrate into the MPAs, avoiding disturbance caused by fishing activity outside.) With the more-mobile species primarily fished in Atlantic Canada, such a reserve would have to be very large if it was to allow a biomass increase within its boundaries. It is not known whether or not the rate of resource flow out of such a large MPA would sustain increases in resource availability on the fished grounds sufficient to compensate for loss of access to the closed area. For the principal Atlantic Canadian resource species, that seems unlikely.

Protect Habitat

Marine fisheries management has largely, and probably wrongly, ignored the role of fish habitat in resource production. Habitat, in its broadest sense, is unquestionably the foundation of that production. What is less sure is whether the agents of habitat change that are potentially controllable by fisheries agencies have a significant influence on production.

Marine ecosystems are predominantly influenced by conditions and events in the water column. Away from the coast, this water is usually safe from significant degradation, other than by such factors as global warming and long-range transport of pollutants (plus, perhaps, offshore hydrocarbon development). MPAs and other forms of local habitat management would have little effect on these factors, which could only be controlled9 through high-level government commitments to sustainable development throughout the global economy. Indeed, MPAs are singularly useless in the face of widespread impacts like global warming.

Benthic habitats are a different matter. It is still unclear how much, if any, influence such habitats have on the production of our major fishery resources. It is also unclear to what degree various human activities impact negatively (or indeed positively10) on the seabed/fish relationship. In contrast to the water column, however, the primary anthropogenic impacts on these benthic habitats are local and (on most commercial fishing grounds) are caused by the fishery itself. To the degree that fishing (or other offshore activities) do negatively affect the seabed, and to the degree that that negatively impacts resource production, closing sea areas to fishing should, therefore, improve that production11 or at least prevent further degradation.

Such a closure, of course, need only relate to those types of fishing gear (or other activities) that cause the impacts on the bottom. Conversely, it would have to be a year-round closure; it is unlikely that habitat damage could recover during a closed season.

In evaluating these impacts on the seabed, it should be remembered that the juvenile stages of some resources may have very different relationships with the habitat than the adults do. For example, it has been suggested that young gadoids require the "cover" that abundant attached benthos provides, in order to evade predators. Equally, there is some reason to think that young scallops preferentially settle on bryozoan colonies, which are of no value to adult scallops and which are destroyed by scallop dragging.

It should also be remembered that MPAs designed to protect fish habitat might not supply any of the resulting resource production to fished areas. Without some clear understanding of how that production will "flow" outward (through larval drift, denatent migration or adult movement), it would be misleading to suggest that such an MPA will benefit the fisheries. Unlike some other MPA mechanisms, however, habitat MPAs could be of considerable benefit even if they were much smaller than the migratory circuits of the species they are designed to enhance -- if fishing feeding is greatly enhanced in areas of protected habitat adjacent to fished areas.

In coastal waters, of course, there is a much wider range of negative anthropogenic impacts on both the seabed and the water column, most of them land-based. Declaring MPAs in such areas might well be an appropriate way to focus public attention on these impacts, thus bringing existing habitat protection legislation to bear and limiting everything from road construction to effluent outfalls. To the extent that particular resources use such coastal areas, such MPAs should aid the fisheries, at the expense of other parts of the national economy.

Since our greatest present uncertainty surrounds the ecosystems that support fishery resources (rather than the single-species biology of the resources), "precautionary" MPAs should probably emphasize habitat protection. Since any human activity might have a negative impact on local habitats (e.g. by selectively removing large predators, disturbing bottom sediments, creating "acoustic pollution"), these MPAs may require complete or near-complete closures, rather than permitting selected types of fishing or other activities.

Protect Resource Genetics

Over the past 20 years, there has been increasing concern about artificial degradation of the genetic composition of fishery resource populations. These concerns have been of two kinds: depletion of some specialized sub-populations (thus reducing the genetic diversity within the overall population) and the selective removal of fast-growing individuals by the fishery. The latter may cause future generations to be the offspring of slow-growing individuals and thus to have (undesirable) genetic tendencies towards slow growth themselves.

While a system of MPAs might be designed to protect the genetic diversity within some stocks, this does not appear to be a very practical option -- too many small MPAs would be required. A spawning reserve MPA might ensure that future reproduction was dominated by individuals that had not been exposed to the selective effects of fishing -- though only if the spawners more-or-less remain within the MPA throughout their fishable lives. If those spawners are themselves the offspring of MPA-protected adults, this could prevent (and might even reverse) any genetic effects of that selection. It seems unlikely to do so, however, unless the majority of all future recruits to fished areas were spawned within reserves.

All suggestions of genetic benefits from MPAs should be carefully examined by qualified population geneticists, whose mathematical models seem often to reveal counter-intuitive results.

MPAs as Enforceable Management Measures

While there is no point in employing an ineffective management tool simply because the resulting regulations will be obeyed, the choice among the available, effective tools should consider their practicality, acceptability to the fishing industry and the degree to which they will be complied with -- an ideal management regime that is ignored on the water would have no point either. There is some evidence that fishery MPAs are easily understood, widely welcomed by fishermen and comparatively cheap to enforce.

MPAs in a Co-Management Context

Official MPAs have invariably been established by regulation or legislation. Except in limited coastal waters where they can be tightly policed, such MPAs are necessarily large -- they must be substantially wider than the buffer zones which practical enforcement will require within the official boundaries. Yet, as has been shown above, the size, shape and location of a fishery MPA can be critical to its success. In some cases, biological and technical factors will require a series of narrow MPAs, rather than a single wide one.

As our fisheries move towards co-management, with its promise of self-enforcement of agreed management measures, there will be potential for establishing many, small MPAs by local agreement. This might well be a key to the successful management of some coastal resources. Indeed, some of the most successful existing coastal MPAs began as "voluntary marine reserves" in much this way (though sometimes without the co-operation of commercial fishermen)12.

It should not need to be said that MPAs, along with all other ocean (and terrestrial) management measures, should be introduced and maintained in a co-operative management environment. At the very least, this must be founded in industry/stakeholder consultation. To the greatest degree possible, the stakeholders should share in real authority over these management measures.

Secondary Fishery Benefits from MPAs

The above discussions have addressed direct benefits to the fisheries from MPAs. While alone they might not justify closing fishing grounds, there are also potential secondary benefits which might tip the balance of judgement in favour of the MPA tool. These could include:
  • MPAs used for ecological research may lead to improved fishery management,
  • Coastal MPAs may provide educational opportunities through which many people, both within and outside the fishing industry, could come to a greater understanding of marine resources and their conservation,
  • MPAs and MPA management may focus public attention on the resources and their habitats, leading to more appropriate fishery and habitat policies, and to less damaging behaviour by fishermen and other groups, and
  • Local management of coastal MPAs may give fishermen and their communities experience in co-operative management, which could later be used in co-management of the fisheries.
A Warning

Fisheries biologists in Atlantic Canada have long opposed the use of what are now termed MPAs in fisheries management. This has not been because closed areas were thought to be harmful. Rather, the principal problem in most marine fisheries management (particularly groundfish management) was, is and will remain the need to limit fishing mortality -- which is synonymous with limiting effective fishing effort13. Closures can alter where fishing effort occurs but, with mobile resource species, MPAs can never limit mortality -- the fleet simply catches the fish outside the closed area, albeit at greater fishing cost.

Yet, as experienced fishery managers know all too well, the fishing industry usually resists having its effort limited and, in doing so, resorts to every legal (and some illegal) means at its disposal. One tactic that has been used repeatedly (and is being used now by New England groundfish fishermen to avoid Amendment 7) is to advocate some alternative management measures (which will not have much impact on effort levels) and to suggest that those measures would be adequate for conservation. MPAs and other closures have long been favourite proposals. Inevitably and no matter how ineffective it may be, once such a measure has been introduced everyone waits for a few years before taking the next difficult decision -- while fishing effort continues to rise year by year. This cannot be an acceptable basis for fishery management.

Canada now has long, and not unsuccessful, experience of effort limitation in most of our fisheries. (It has not been limited to a sufficiently low level but that is a separate problem of political will.) This has taught us that, while such limitation remains the primary concern, alone it is not sufficient for effective management. For some fisheries, MPAs appear to be a valuable supplementary management tool. Even if they are needed and used as such, however, MPAs must never be allowed to be treated as an alternative to real and effective limitations on fishing mortality. They are not, and must not be allowed to appear as, a way for the fishing industry to escape the painful necessity to restrict its activities to sustainable levels.

MPAs in the Canadian Context: A Suggestion

Effective conservation of Atlantic Canada's marine fisheries resources requires an ecosystem approach. Some of the anthropogenic threats to the marine ecosystem operate on a regional (or even a global) scale. Many of the resources are themselves highly mobile and it will be difficult to delimit particular spawning or nursery grounds suited to special protection. Small, strictly-regulated MPAs will do little or nothing to help most of our fisheries.

Meanwhile, international protected-area management concepts are changing. In the past, protected conservation areas (on land as well as in the sea) have often been quite small, perhaps designed to preserve some fragment of natural habitat or the few individuals of an endangered species. This approach is now seen as inefficient, since most natural systems are dependent on a wide surrounding area; the ecosystem of the protected fragment cannot function when its surroundings have been heavily modified by mankind. This is true on land but it is far more so in the sea, since water is an exceptionally efficient transport medium. It is, for example, impossible to protect part of a river estuary if human activities throughout the river's watershed continue without restriction. Similarly, to protect fully the ecosystem of one part of the southern Gulf of St. Lawrence, we might need to protect the entire Magdalen Shallows and Northumberland Strait, plus Sydney Bight and the Laurentian Channel as far as Banquereau (to which key fish populations migrate in the winter) -- while also controlling activities throughout the Laurentian Great Lakes drainage to prevent excessive pollution or runoff diversion.

These concerns have recently led some MPA proponents to call for very extensive protected areas, within which there would be a number of zones -- some open to most human activities, some off-limits to anything by environmental monitoring and most with intermediate controls. Australia's Great Barrier Reef Marine Park has been managed in such a way for many years, with apparent success.

In Canada, the federal government already has most of the legal powers required to set up such an extensive Protected Area and will acquire the rest under the Oceans Act. Indeed, our entire EEZ is already "managed" under various environmental regulations. Foreign mercantile shipping, for example, is required to meet Canadian environmental standards before entering our waters; ocean dumping is strictly controlled; offshore hydrocarbon exploration and development is tightly regulated; and, of course, the fisheries are subject to perhaps the most comprehensive management regime operated by any national.

If the future of MPAs lies in zonal management of large ocean areas, if the success of our fisheries requires wide-spread conservation of the resources and their supporting ecosystem, and if the Canadian government has the jurisdiction for such management throughout the EEZ, would it not be best simply to treat the entire EEZ as an MPA and proceed with zoning that would define areas needing particular kinds of protection? This would amount to little more than the status quo, though it would be a re-vitalized status quo. In addition to past and present ocean management measures, we would need to:
  • Declare a few, relatively small MPAs with strict access restrictions, where such are required for non-fishery purposes (e.g. whale sanctuaries),
  • Close such other areas to fishing as will best enhance the fisheries in the areas left open, if this is judged the most appropriate form of management for particular resources (e.g. scallop spawning reserves), and/or as "precautionary" MPAs,
  • Strengthen all forms of environmental and conservation controls throughout the EEZ, in keeping both with our current realization that past controls have been inadequate and with the EEZ's new status as a large-scale MPA (e.g. tighten controls on tanker navigation and coastal development),
  • Introduce zonal management throughout the EEZ, thus recognizing that activities (e.g. oil exploration or bottom dragging) which are acceptable in some areas may not be in others and applying that recognition in future management, and
  • By multi-lateral and bi-lateral agreement as appropriate, or by uni-lateral action if necessary, extend this management regime into contiguous waters beyond our EEZ such that the entire northwest Atlantic ecosystem (or as much of it as influences our waters and their resources) enjoys an appropriate level of protection.

Summary

1. There are several justifiable reasons for establishing MPAs but, unless the protected areas are specifically planned as "fishery MPAs", such closures are unlikely to generate net benefits to the fisheries. Other forms of MPA may have very significant negative effects on the fisheries.

2. To be effective, a fishery MPA must not only lead to increased biomass within its boundaries but must also export substantial amounts of biomass and/or recruitment to fished grounds. To do so, its size, location and boundaries must be carefully matched to the biological characteristics of the protected resources and to the technical characteristics of the fishery for them.

3. Fishery MPAs should be seen as fisheries management tools. They should be employed where they appear to be the "best" way to meet management objectives.
  1. The question should not be "Are MPAs useful in fisheries management?" but rather: "What are the problems confronting management? Which tools will best solve those problems?"
4. When considering the use of a fishery MPA, mangers should start by understanding the fishery and the biology of the resource. They should draw MPA boundaries that will meet management objectives, under the constraints set by the fishery and by resource biology. They should impose such restrictions on activities within the MPA as are needed to achieve the objectives. Other activities should not be restricted.
  1. In some fishery MPAs, it may only be necessary to restrict certain fishing techniques or fishing for particular species. Other MPAs, with other objectives, may require prohibition of any kind of fishing (and most other human activities besides). Again, the focus should be on MPAs as tools.
5. One objective for which fishery MPAs appear well suited is a precautionary, and ecosystem-oriented, approach in the face of uncertainty. Considering our lack of firm understanding of our fisheries resources and their ecosystems, it might be prudent to place substantial areas off-limits to all fishing (and most other) activity.
  1. Since "precautionary" MPAs are specifically required where knowledge is lacking, their location, size and boundaries can only be based on wise judgement, not on deliberate design. However, such MPAs will only generate direct benefits for the fisheries if their boundaries do match the characteristics of the particular resource and its fishery. Thus, all such knowledge as is available should be used in making the required judgements.
6. When their boundaries are appropriately drawn, fishery MPAs will work by one or more of five mechanisms:
  1. Protecting a spawning reserve,
  2. Protecting a nursery area,
  3. Protecting an area with high population density from which adult fish move outward,
  4. Protecting habitat (usually benthic habitat) which enhances fish production and/or survival, and/or
  5. Protecting desirable genes within the exploited population.
7. While fishery MPAs can be valuable, they will always remain an inefficient tool for tackling the primary task of fisheries management, viz. : limiting fishing effort and fishing mortality. The proper use of fishery MPAs must never be allowed to expand into an excuse to avoid the effective effort limitation.

8. Optimal management of Atlantic Canada's fisheries resources requires wide-area habitat and resource-conservation management. The federal government already has, and exercises, legal authority for such management throughout the EEZ. Rather than concentrating on small MPAs with specific purposes, the fisheries would be better served by strengthening fisheries and environmental management throughout the EEZ, while also introducing a zonal approach that would allow different restrictions to apply in different areas.
 

Information on Aquaculture

http://home.istar.ca/~gadus/source6.html#aqua

Nova Scotia fishermen and mariners lost , listed by county

 
Names are listed under modern county boundaries which, in some cases, may differ from the county of record at the time of loss.
 
http://www.lostatsea.ca/counties.htm  

List of Lights, Buoys, and Fog Signals - Atlantic Coast

http://www.notmar.com/eng/services/list/2004_atlantic_coast_e/a162e2004.doc

Harbours - National List

The Fish Harvester Labour Force 1991-2001

Appendix 4.1
The Fish Harvester
Labour Force 1991 - 2001
Phase II Sector Study of Canada’s
Fish Harvesting Industry
PREPARED FOR:
Canadian Council of Professional Fish Harvesters
PREPARED BY:
63 Otter Lake Court, Halifax, N.S. B3S 1M1
Ph: (902) 832-8991 Fax: (902) 832-8090
research@praxisresearch.ns.ca
www.praxisresearch.ns.ca
i
Table of Contents
1. SUMMARY....................................................................................................................... 1
2. FISH HARVESTER LABOUR FORCE................................................................................... 4
2.1. Size of the Fish Harvesters Labour Force .......................................................... 4
2.2. Fish Harvesters by Category............................................................................... 5
3. EMPLOYMENT................................................................................................................. 9
3.1. Labour Force and Employment by Province ...................................................... 9
3.2. Employment by Province ................................................................................. 11
4. WEEKS OF WORK.......................................................................................................... 12
4.1. Weeks Worked By Province............................................................................. 14
5. EMPLOYMENT INCOME ................................................................................................. 16
5.1. Employment Income by Province .................................................................... 17
5.2. Fishing Income ................................................................................................. 19
6. CLASS OF WORKER ....................................................................................................... 20
6.1. Change in Class of Worker by Province........................................................... 20
6.2. Change in Class of Worker by Category .......................................................... 21
7. AGE PROFILE OF FISH HARVESTER LABOUR FORCE ...................................................... 22
7.1. Age Profile by Province.................................................................................... 23
8. EDUCATION.................................................................................................................. 25
8.1. Education by Province...................................................................................... 27
9. FISH HARVESTER OCCUPATIONS BY GENDER................................................................. 29
9.1. Gender by Province .......................................................................................... 29
10. OTHER FISHING INDUSTRY OCCUPATIONS..................................................................... 31
1
1. SUMMARY
The emerging story of the fish harvester labour force1 is very different for the east
and west coasts of Canada. The 2001 Census data suggest that employment in
Atlantic Canada’s fishery has been remarkably resilient despite the collapse of
groundfish stocks in the mid-1990s. In contrast, the data on Canada’s Pacific
Region fishery shows a sharp and continuing decline in employment, and a much
less positive labour force profile, despite the relative stability of key commercial
fish populations.
At the national level, Census data indicate that the total fishery labour force fell by
nearly 14% between 1991 and 2001. The employed labour force dropped even
more, from 32,415 in 1991 to 26,620 in 2001, a decline of 18%. On a regional
basis, the West Coast fishery was hardest hit. The total fishery labour force in
British Columbia shrank by 43% between 1991 and 2001, and the employed labour
force fell by 41% over the same period. The relative severity of the West Coast
decline is evident when we compare it with Newfoundland & Labrador and Nova
Scotia, the two provinces that bore the brunt of the groundfish collapse.
Employment dropped by 20% and the size of the total labour force decreased by
only 10% in these two provinces combined.
As well, there were some offsetting positive trends on the East Coast that were not
evident in the Pacific Region. The fishery labour force actually grew over the
decade in New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island. In the other Atlantic
Provinces the fish harvester population expanded by 6% between 1996 and 2001
after a decline in the previous five years.
Comparing trends for the three categories of harvesters described by the Census --
Fishing Masters and Officers; Fishing Vessel Skippers and
Fishermen/fisherwomen; and Fishing Vessel Deckhands -- the deckhands appear to
have borne the brunt of job losses. The number of deckhands in the labour force
dropped 37% versus declines of 17% for fishing masters/officers and just 6% for
skippers and fishermen/fisherwomen.2 Incomes for deckhands also failed to keep
1 This report uses the term “fish harvester labour force” to describe the whole fish harvester population,
whether or not they were in the labour force during the week prior to Census Day. If the person did not have
a job during the week, the data relate to the job of longest duration since January 1 of the previous year.
2 As well as a real reduction in employment for deckhands, this trend may also reflect the fact that some
fishing crewmembers are recorded in one Census year as “deckhands” and in another as
2
pace – falling from 84% of the overall average for fish harvesters in 1991 to 77% in
2001.
Most fish harvesters experienced income improvements, especially those in Québec
and Newfoundland & Labrador. By 2001, average earnings for masters/officers and
skippers/fishermen in Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island and New Brunswick
exceeded average earnings for the labour force as a whole in those provinces.
It was a different story on the West Coast, where average income for
masters/officers and skippers/fishermen was more than 20% lower in 2000 than in
1990. British Columbia also showed the most negative trends regarding duration of
employment. The number of fish harvesters working 13 weeks or less increased by
30% on a national basis, but in Pacific Region it rose more than 70% over the
decade while the number working 14-26 weeks fell by 60%.
In 1991 the average age of fish harvesters (not including deckhands) was 39.5
years, compared to 37.1 years for the labour force as a whole – a difference of 2.4
years. In 2001 the average age for this group was 41 years versus 39 for the labour
force as a whole, indicating a narrowing of the gap. British Columbia had the oldest
fish harvester workforce in 2001. Skippers/fishermen in Prince Edward Island and
Newfoundland & Labrador were younger than the national average while those in
Québec, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick were slightly older.
The fish harvester labour force showed higher levels of formal education in 2001
compared to 1991. Fifty-seven percent of fish harvesters (compared to 20% of the
labour force as a whole) had less than high school graduation in 2001, but the
percentage with high school or more increased from 35% to 43% over the decade.
The proportion of harvesters with trades, college or university diplomas/certificates
increased from 17% in 1991 to 23% in 2001. This positive trend was most
noticeable in the Atlantic Region where the number of fish harvesters with
certificates or diplomas increased by 40%.
The overall picture of the Canadian fish harvester labour force that emerges from
the Census data is sharply split by regions. The East Coast fishery shows signs of
“skippers/fishermen”. It appears that up to 60% of the harvesters in the “skippers/fishermen” category are in
fact crewmembers and not owner-operators. The Census data does not provide sufficiently detailed
information to explain this apparent shift in occupational categories.
3
greater stability if not significant recovery after the groundfish crisis. On the West
Coast the labour force trends are almost all negative – a shrinking harvester
population, reduced employment, sharp reductions in average weeks of work and an
older age profile. These trends have serious implications for the many coastal
communities that depend on the fishery in British Columbia.
4
2. FISH HARVESTER LABOUR FORCE
2.1. Size of the Fish Harvesters Labour Force
This profile of the fish harvester labour force is based primarily on Census data on
jobs held by members of every household in the week preceding Census Day, May
15. Census data is collected every five years by Statistics Canada from heads of
households. The number of individuals identified as being in the fishery is based on
a sample of households completing Census forms.
According to the Census, the fish harvester labour force in 2001 was 43,385, down
from 50,350 in 1991, a decline of 14%. As Table 1 shows, most of that decline
occurred during the first five years of the decade. After dropping by more than 10%
between 1991 and 1996, the fish harvester population fell by less than 4% in the
next five years.
TABLE 1: FISH HARVESTER POPULATION AND % CHANGE BY CENSUS YEAR
1991 1996 % Change
from 1991 2001 % Change
from 1996
% Change
from 1991-2001
50,350 45,120 -10.4% 43,385 -3.9% -13.8%
Source: Statistics Canada, “Special Interest Tabulations,” 97F0012XCB01048.IVT
The Census is not the only source of information on the number of fish harvesters
in Canada. Two other sources are DFO Registrations3 and Revenue Canada’s
Taxfiler data.
DFO data indicate that in 2001 more than 41,000 fish harvesters were registered in
the Atlantic Region, and an additional 6,500 individuals were registered by
provincial agencies as crewmembers in Québec and Newfoundland. Another 8,574
held personal licences on the Pacific coast. Adding another 5,000 inland harvesters4
(who are not registered by DFO) would bring the total to more than 61,000, almost
18,000 more than are recorded as fish harvesters the Census.
3 DFO registration data are available on the Department’s website at:
http://www.dfo-mpo.gc.ca/communic/statistics/commercial/licensing/fishers.
4 Based on an estimate in Canadian Council of Professional Fish Harvesters, “Taking our Bearings:
Situational Analysis of Canada’s Fish Harvesting Industry,” Summary Report, p. 7.
5
However, DFO data registration data does not provide and entirely accurate picture
of the total fisheries labour force since not all individuals who take out a
registration actually participate commercial fishing activities in a given year.5 Many
appear to be taking jobs outside the fishery while paying the modest annual
registration fee to keep their place in the industry.
Taxfiler data, showing how many individuals actually earned income from fishing,
more closely parallels Census data. Data from Canada Customs and Revenue
Agency show that in 2001, the total reporting some income from fishing was
35,800, with 24,460 reporting fishing as their major source of income. Data on the
number of fish harvesters in Canada from each of the three sources discussed above
is contained in Table 2.
TABLE 2: NUMBER OF FISH HARVESTERS, 2001
1. Census 43,385
2. Fisher Registrations (DFO) (including estimate of Inland Fishermen) 61,000
3. Taxfiler Data:
Total Reporting Net Income
Major Source of Income
35,800
24,460
These estimates show the total number of people with involvement in the fishery at
some time in 2000. The estimates suggest that the total number of fish harvesters in
2001 was between 36,000 and 43,000. The number of registered fish harvesters is
much higher, indicating that many such individuals were either inactive or were
very marginal participants in coastal harvesting.
2.2. Fish Harvesters by Category
The Census divides the fish harvester labour force into three National Occupational
Classification (NOC) categories that are defined as follows:6
1. Fishing masters and officers manage and operate saltwater and freshwater
fishing vessels greater than 100 gross tonnes to pursue and land fish and
5 There are also significant numbers of individuals who register with DFO to participate in the “coastal”
fishery – the shoreline or inland harvesting of clams, quahogs, oysters, seaweeds, etc. – not involving
operation of vessels or work as crewmembers. This work is often seasonal or occasional.
6 See: www23.hrdc-drhc.gc.ca/2001/e/groups/index.shtml
6
other marine life. They are employed by establishments engaged in
operating commercial fishing vessels.
2. Fishing vessel skippers and fishermen/women operate fishing vessels to
pursue and land fish and other marine life. They are usually self-employed
owner-operators of fishing vessels.
3. Fishing vessel deckhands perform a variety of manual tasks on commercial
fishing voyages, and maintain fishing vessels. They are employed by
establishments that operate commercial fishing vessels and by selfemployed
fishermen/women.
The first group is largely employed in larger offshore vessels although some
‘midshore’ captains and crew are included. The second group comprises most of
what we think of as the inshore fishery. The NOC definition describes this group as
“usually self-employed owner-operators of fishing vessels”. As will be explained
below, there is solid evidence to suggest that up to 60% of the individuals in this
category are crewmembers only and not owner-operators. The third group is
comprised of professional crewmembers on all types of fishing vessels.
TABLE 3: FISH HARVESTER POPULATION AND % CHANGE BY CENSUS YEAR, BY CATEGORY
Year
Masters/
Officers
Skippers/
Fishermen Deckhands
Skippers/
Fishermen/
Deckhands
1991 3,420 35,405 11,525 46,932
1996 2,660 33,880 8,580 42,460
Change 91-96 -22.2% -4.3% -25.6% -9.5%
2001 2,845 33,280 7,260 40,540
Change 96-01 +7.0% -1.8% -15.4% -4.5%
Change 91-01 -16.8% -6.0% -37.0% -13.6
Source: Statistics Canada, “Special Interest Tabulations,” 97F0012XCB01048.IVT
As Table 3 shows, skippers/fishermen category has been more stable over the
decade than either fishing masters/officers or fishing deckhands. Their numbers
have dropped just 6%, compared with nearly 17% for masters/officers and 37% for
deckhands. In the case of deckhands, the decline in numbers has been consistent
over the 10-year period. On the other hand, the fishing master population increased
between 1996 and 2001 after dropping more than 20% over the previous five-year
period.
The fifth column in Table 3 adds together the skippers/fishermen and deckhand
groups to provide an estimate of the total fish harvester labour force in the inshore
7
sector. This suggests a 13.6% fall in the labour force between 1991 and 2001, with
most of the change (9.5%) happening in the first half of the decade.
One way to estimate the proportions of owner-operators and crewmembers within
the skippers/fishermen category is to look at the distinction between self-employed
and employed workers. As Table 4 shows there were 11,455 harvesters who were
self-employed within the skippers/fishermen labour force in 2001, representing
40% of that population.
TABLE 4: SELF-EMPLOYMENT AMONG SKIPPERS/FISHERMEN, 1996 AND 2001
Year
Labour Force7
Skippers/Fishermen Self-Employed8 % Self-Employed % Change
1996-2001
1996 28,550 14,200 49.7%
2001 28,480 11,455 40.2% -19.3%
Source: Statistics Canada, “Special Interest Tabulations,” 97F0012XCB01048.IVT
The number of self-employed skippers/fishermen and the percentage change from
1996 to 2001 is somewhat similar to the change in DFO's count of "core"
fishermen, i.e., multi-licensed heads of fishing enterprises in the Atlantic fishery.
TABLE 5: “CORE__________F

Canadian Council of Professional Fish Harvesters- Setting a New Course

SETTING A NEW COURSE
Phase II Human Resources Sector Study for the Fish Harvesting Industry in Canada
The Canadian Council of Professional Fish Harvesters is pleased to release Setting a New Course, the first major study to deal exclusively with the economics and human resources needs of Canada’s independent owner-operator fishery.
This is also the first time that a major study of this nature has been carried out on behalf of the owner-operator industry itself. Never before has the owner-operator fishery been examined in such detail or from this perspective. This study is long overdue. The owner-operator fishery is the largest and most productive sector of the fish harvesting industry; it lands the most valued products and provides the economic foundation for more than 1300 coastal and inland communities in Canada, and deserves special attention.
Two decades ago the Canadian fishery depended on a narrow range of species and competed for market share against low cost meats like poultry and pork products. Today seafood is a high-value product. Canada’s owner-operator fish harvesters run sophisticated
enterprises which supply top quality products to the world market.
But all is not well with the independent owner-operator fishery. As our study shows, the very foundation of the independent owneroperator approach to harvesting the country’s marine resources is being threatened by the concentration of control over fishing licences,
often by surreptitious means. In the Pacific, the absence of an owner-operator policy has brought the independent fishing sector to the brink of extinction. If no action is taken, young people, who are the future for our coastal communities, will not be able to enter the fishery as their predecessors did and hope to one day own and operate their own enterprises. Left unchecked, this trend will undermine the economic future of many communities that depend on the owner-operator fishery for a stable source of jobs and investment.
Our Council does not want this to happen.
The issues raised in this report are serious and complex. They strike at the core of what is happening in rural, coastal Canada and demand equally serious and sophisticated responses aimed at revitalizing coastal communities. Our Council and its member organizations will now undertake a strategic planning process that will address the findings of the report. We look forward to engaging with the Federal Government and the governments of the fishing provinces to develop the range of mutually supportive policies that will be required to put the independent owner-operator fishery and the communities that depend on it back on a sustainable footing.
The time to act is now…before what we have is gone.
Earle McCurdy
President
FOREWORD
I
This project was funded by the Government of Canada's Sector Council Program and the Canadian Council of Professional Fish Harvesters (CCPFH). The CCPFH and the consultants owe special thanks to Larry Dupuis for his excellent support and leadership for the project.
PRAXIS Research & Consulting wishes to acknowledge the invaluable contributions of the members of the Project Advisory Committee and of the staff and sub-consultants who worked on the many elements of the project.
Advisory Committee Members:
Gastien Godin, NB Agriculture, Fisheries and Aquaculture
Earle McCurdy, FFAW-CAW
O'Neil Cloutier, APPQ
Gabrielle Landry, FPSHQ
Ricky Nickerson, MFU
Sandy Siegel, MFU
Christine Hunt, NBBC
Garth Mirau, UFAWU
Larry Dupuis, HRSDC
Patricia Marchak, University of British Columbia
Rory McLellan, Keith Paugh, PEIFA
Rachel Josée Chiasson, Jean Saint Cyr, FRAPP
Michel Vermette, DFO
Ronnie Heighton, GNSFPB
Daniel Landry, APPME
Katrina Tapley, DFO
Project Team and Sub-consultants:
Iona Worden, PRAXIS Research
Karen Lam, PRAXIS Research
Doug MacDonald, DMD Economics Ltd.
Gilles and Martin Thériault, G.T.A. Consultants en Pêches Inc.
Mike Dockrill, Dockrill Horwich Rossiter
Phil Rossiter, Dockrill Horwich Rossiter
Richard Starr, Acorn Communications
Diane Gordon, Diane Gordon & Associates Consulting
Bob Grant, BCCPFH
Wyman Webb, LLB, Patterson Palmer
Tasha Sutcliffe, Prince Rupert Fisheries Centre
Sue Calhoun, Calhoun Research & Development
Mike MacDonald, Glayva Technologies Inc.
Gisèle Thériault, Translator
Ann Samson, Translator
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
II
The project owes a special debt of gratitude to the Department of Fisheries and Oceans, and specifically to Keith Brickley, formerly of DFO, for providing access to the information needed for the successful completion of the surveys of fish harvesters. We also wish to acknowledge the excellent work and dedication of Kerry Dangerfield and his colleagues at Prairie Research in conducting the survey research for this project.
Our thanks to Dominique Levieil of the Fisheries Directorate of the European Commission for his assistance in accessing information on European fisheries policy. PRAXIS is especially grateful to John Sutcliffe and Marc Allain of the CCPFH for their patience, cooperation and expertise in guiding the project and in managing and administering project activities. Thanks also to Nathalie Paquette and Pierre Verreault for their contributions to the project.
PRAXIS and the CCPFH owe the greatest debt to the hundreds of fish harvesters and community spokespersons across Canada who participated in interviews, focus groups and telephone surveys. Regional DFO officials, provincial government officials and independent
experts also made important contributions in interviews and workshops.
My sincere thanks to all of these contributors to the project,
Rick Williams
President
PRAXIS Research & Consulting Inc
III
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1
1. PROJECT OVERVIEW 7
1.1. Objectives of the Study 7
1.2. Study Elements & Methods 7
1.2.1. Profile of the Fish Harvester Labour Force 7
1.2.2. Telephone Surveys 8
1.2.3. Key Informant Interviews & Consultations 8
1.2.4. Focus Groups & Workshops 8
1.2.5. International Comparisons & Literature Review 9
1.2.6. Financial Analyses 9
1.2.7. Community Case Studies 9
1.3. Structure and Purpose of this Report 10
2. SUMMARY OF FINDINGS 11
2.1. Labour Force Overview 11
2.2. Findings from Surveys 12
2.2.1. Demographic Trends 12
2.2.2. Income from Sales of Fish 13
2.2.3. Crew Employment 14
2.2.4. Acquisition of Enterprise 15
2.2.5. Market Value of Enterprises – Atlantic 18
2.2.6. Market Value of Enterprises – Pacific 20
2.2.7. Transfer of Enterprises 20
2.2.8. Participation by Captains in Fisheries Training 22
2.2.9. Crew Labour Force: Age Profile 25
2.2.10. Crew Incomes and Employment 26
2.2.11. Crewmembers’ Future Plans 28
2.2.12. Purchase of Enterprises 29
2.2.13. Participation by Crew in Fisheries Training 31
2.3. Key Informant Interviews & Consultations 33
2.3.1. Atlantic: Changes in Licence Prices 33
2.3.2. Company Control of Licences 35
2.3.3. Strategic Policy Options 35
2.3.4. Training & Professionalization 37
2.4. Focus Groups 38
2.4.1. Crisis in Pacific Region 38
2.4.2. Protection of Owner-Operator Policy in the Atlantic 38
2.4.3. The Situation of Crewmembers 39
2.4.4. The Capital Gains Tax 39
2.4.5. Loan Board 39
2.4.6. Low Profile of Education and Training 39
TABLE OF CONTENTS
IV
2.5. International Comparisons 40
2.5.1. Fisheries Management and Human Resources Policies 40
2.5.2. Policy Aimed at Sustainable Employment 41
2.5.3. Lessons Learned from International Comparisons 44
2.6. Financial Analyses 45
2.6.1. Case Studies 45
2.6.2. Policy Analysis 46
2.6.3. Sensitivity Analysis 46
2.6.4. Enterprise Valuation Model 46
2.6.5. Professional Incorporation 47
2.7. Community Case Studies 47
3. CONCLUSIONS & STRATEGIC ISSUES 52
3.1. Background Assumptions 52
3.1.1. The “Ecology” of the Fishery 52
3.1.2. Resource Supply Issues 53
3.2. The Changing Economy of the Fishery 55
3.2.1. The Position of Owner-Operator Fisheries 55
3.2.2. The Market for Access Rights 56
3.2.3. The ITQ Debate 57
3.2.4. Conservation and Orderly Management 58
3.2.5. The Processor Perspective 59
3.3. Sustainability of the Labour Force 59
3.3.1. An Emerging Crisis 59
3.3.2. Unique Challenges in Pacific Region 60
3.4. The New Fishery 61
3.4.1. Transfer of Management Roles & Responsibilities 61
3.4.2. Health & Safety 63
3.4.3. Professional Self-Determination 63
3.5. Renewal of Professionalization 65
3.5.1. Progress to Date 65
3.5.2. Government’s Stake in Professionalization 66
3.5.3. Emerging Education & Training Priorities 67
3.5.4. New Approaches to Professional Status 68
3.6. The Policy Environment 69
3.6.1. The Commitment to Owner-Operator Fisheries 69
3.6.2. The Policy Challenge 70
4. APPENDICES
4.1 The Fish Harvester Labour Force: 1991-2001
4.2 Survey of Atlantic Enterprise Heads
4.3 Survey of Atlantic Crewmembers
4.4 Survey of Pacific Enterprise Heads
4.5 Survey of Pacific Crewmembers
4.6 Policy Analysis: Facilitating the Transfer of Enterprises within the Canadian Fisheries
V
4.7 Financial Case Study Report
4.8 Analysis: Real Value of Fish Landings
4.9 Financial Sensitivity Analysis for Fishing Enterprises
4.10 The Valuation Model for Fishing Enterprises
4.11 Legal Model for the Professional Incorporation of Fish Harvesters
4.12 Findings from Focus Groups
4.13 Findings from Key Informant Interviews
4.14 Community Case Study: New Brunswick
4.15 Community Case Study: Manitoba
4.16 Community Case Study: Newfoundland & Labrador
4.17 Community Case Study: Nunavut
4.18 Community Case Study: Pacific
4.19 Community Case Study: Québec
4.20 Community Case Study: Scotia-Fundy
4.21 Literature Review, International Study
*NOTE: The appendices can be found electronically on the CD-ROM
VI
INTRODUCTION
The fishing industry in Canada provides employment for some 40,000 harvesters and 30,000 processing workers. In 2003, it generated approximately $2.2 billion in landed value and $4.5 billion in export value.1 The great majority of the economic impacts occur in coastal-rural
regions that often lack other sources of employment and wealth generation.
This report presents findings and conclusions drawn from four years of research on the fish harvesting labour force in Canada. The research began with a “situational analysis” study to assess the size, structure and economic impact of the industry. A national “sector study” was then carried out to fill in gaps in available knowledge and to generate new data on human resources trends and issues in the industry.
Together these research activities have generated more information than has ever been available before about the Canadian fish harvester labour force as a whole and the challenges it faces. The studies provide the knowledge base for a national human resources
strategic plan to guide the efforts of government and industry stakeholders in their efforts to ensure that the industry has the skilled labour force it needs now and in the future.
Project Overview
This research was carried out by the Canadian Council of Professional Fish Harvesters (CCPFH) with support from Human Resources and Skills Development Canada. The objectives of the second phase of the research, the national Sector Study, were:
1. To assess current and future demand and supply trends for skilled labour in the fish harvesting industry;
2. To identify and analyze constraints on the capacity of the industry to meet the changing demand for skilled labour;
3. To identify changes in the mix and levels of skills required of the labour force and constraints on ongoing acquisition and updating of these skills; and
4. To recommend appropriate policy and programmatic responses to address the issues and challenges associated with current and future demand for skilled labour to the industry.
The Sector Study included the following research components:
• An updated profile of the fish harvester labour force makes use of data from the 2001 Census;
• Telephone surveys of over 1,200 enterprise heads and 600 crewmembers in the Atlantic Provinces and Québec, and of 300 enterprise heads and 170 crewmembers in British Columbia;
• Key informant interviews and consultation with harvester leaders, DFO managers and other knowledgeable stakeholders;
• Focus groups & workshops with industry leaders;
• International study tours and a literature review;
• Financial analyses to understand the market and non-market factors influencing licence values and enterprise viability trends;
• Community case studies to examine the impacts of trends in the fishing industry on fisheries-reliant coastal regions.
The research was conducted over the period of October 2003 to February 2005, and was carried out by PRAXIS Research Inc. The project was overseen by the Project Advisory Committee with representation from harvester organizations, academic researchers, independent experts, the Department of Fisheries and Oceans (DFO) and HRSDC.
1 These statistics are from 2001 Canada Census data and from 2003 fisheries statistics provided by the Department of Fisheries and Oceans.
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
1
Industry Overview
Community-based, owner-operator enterprises now make up the largest and most productive sector of the fish harvesting industry in Canada. Such enterprises hold licences and quotas in the most valuable fisheries where they generate some 70% of total landed value. The industry is a key contributor to the social and economic stability of more than 1,000 coastal communities.
This study examines the changing economics of the industry and assesses its current and future human resource needs. It has generated convincing evidence that the small business foundation of the industry is under severe stress. Shifting and sometimes inconsistent
fisheries’ management approaches and dramatic changes in markets for fishing licences and quotas are rapidly undermining the owner operator fishery and the social and economic sustainability of coastal communities.
The research findings point to the need for a renewed public policy commitment to the independent owner-operator fishery. Such a clear and comprehensive policy direction would appear to be critical to the future availability of a skilled fisheries labour force, and to the
survival of the coastal communities that generate and sustain that labour force.
A Tale Of Two Coasts - The Changing Economy Of
The Fishery
The total volume of fish landings on both the Atlantic and Pacific coasts is now close to levels of the mid-1970s after sharp declines in the 1990s. However, on the Atlantic Coast the species composition of the total catch has shifted dramatically from groundfish to shellfish,
and the economic value of the fisheries has increased significantly. On the Pacific Coast, the total landed value for fisheries has seen only limited growth since the 1990s, reflecting both reduced landings and changes in market conditions.
In the Atlantic, the shift from ground fish to higher value shellfish has primarily benefited owner-operator fleets. This occurred because of the Federal Department of Fisheries and Oceans’ (DFO) licensing policies that were put in place after Canada extended its fisheries’
jurisdiction to the 200-mile limit in 1977. DFO’s Fleet Separation and Owner-Operator Policies gave the independent, community-based fishery in Atlantic Canada almost exclusive control of near-shore fisheries for lobster, crab, scallops and other species. By the late 1990s, these fisheries were the most valuable component of the fishing economy providing employment for a large rural labour force in widely dispersed coastal communities.
In the Pacific Region, where Fleet Separation and Owner-Operator Policies were not put in place, the owner-operator sector of the fishery has not fared nearly as well. Declining access to the salmon fishery, a sharp fall in salmon prices, due in part to competition from farmed
fish, and a series of DFO management measures aimed at fleet rationalization have dramatically reduced employment opportunities and the overall prospects for owner-operator fleets.
The Market For Access Rights
The introduction of limited entry licensing in the 1970s meant that licences acquired a market value. Prices for many species licences have surged in recent years with the increased commercial value of seafood products. A major purpose of this study has been to determine
the impact of rising licence prices on owner-operator fleets.
2
Definitions
The Fleet Separation Policy applies to fishing vessels
less than 65’ in length and separates the harvesting and
processing sectors. It does not recommend the issuance of
new inshore licences to corporations, including processing
companies.
The Owner-Operator Policy applies to licence holders using
vessels less than 65’ long. It requires licence holders to be
present on their vessels and personally fish their licences.
From A Policy Framework for the Management of Fisheries
on Canada’s Atlantic Coast, DFO, 2004; pp 43-44.
The research evidence shows that there has been substantial upward
pressure on licence prices generated by “special interest purchasers”,
i.e. investors who are not constrained by the need to finance the
purchase, and carry the debt cost, strictly on the basis of the revenues
generated by fishing the licence. Such purchasers include fish processors
who are looking to guarantee resource supplies to their plants, more
affluent harvesters who want to “stack” licences on a boat to build a
multi-licence business or to make money from leasing licences, and
investors who are merely speculating on the future value of licences.
Another important factor is government buying licences for capacity
reduction or treaty settlement purposes. The combined activities of
such investors create much greater demand for licences and this
drives prices up. This, in turn, creates substantial financial barriers
for crewmembers and new entrant harvesters who want to become
independent owner-operators.
This issue manifests itself in different ways in different fleets and regions.
In the Pacific Region, DFO policy facilitates stacking, speculative purchases
and non-harvester ownership. In the Atlantic, despite the policy
restrictions on licence stacking and vertical integration of processing
and harvesting operations, the practice has not been curtailed.
The research also indicates that higher licence costs and the erosion of owner-operator control are also having a negative impact on
conservation and orderly management. There is credible information that increased cost pressures on some harvesters are fuelling an
underground market for several high value species. Such trends undermine orderly management, draw vessel operators into extra-legal
behaviour and reduce tax revenues to government.
The Processor Perspective
There is a fundamental difference of interest between processors and harvesters in many Canadian fisheries. Processors are experiencing
intense competitive pressure due to shortages of raw material supplies in many key species and the emergence of China as a dominant
global player in seafood processing and marketing. Some see vertical integration as key to being able to survive in this environment.
Some key processor interests in Atlantic Canada have pushed for the elimination of the Owner-Operator and Fleet Separation Policies so
they can reduce raw material costs and have more secure access to resource supplies.
Not all processors share this view. Representatives for independent processors in Nova Scotia insisted that they could not afford to pay
the current market prices for licences even if they were allowed to buy them. Their view is that only companies that are already vertically
integrated can afford such price levels. They called for a strict enforcement of fleet separation, including not allowing harvester interests
to own and operate processing facilities, as the best way to level the playing field.
The findings of this study, including international comparisons, suggest that the tensions between the harvesting and processing sides of
the overall fishing industry are deeply entrenched and persistent, and will likely grow as demand for seafood products strengthens and
resource supplies remain stable or perhaps shrink.
The Emerging Labour Force Crisis
The bulk of the evidence generated by this study supports the conclusion that the industry is entering a period of great change, if not
3
Definitions
Licence stacking: A harvester buys or leases additional
licences and “stacks” them on his/her vessel. This is usually
done because each licence brings with it more fishing time
or more access to the resource.
Licence leasing: A licence owner stops active fishing and
leases the licence to another harvester. DFO rules in Pacific
Region also allow fish processing companies to own multiple
licences and to lease them out to harvesters.
Quota leasing: In fisheries managed under individual quota
shares, quota owners can choose to lease quota to other
harvesters instead of fishing themselves.
Leasing Costs: The research indicates that leasing costs for
licences and quota are often in excess of 50% of the value
of the fish caught with the licence.
crisis, in terms of the sustainability of the labour force. There are four major drivers behind these trends: demographics, the changing
status of crewmembers, reduced fishing opportunities, and rising licence costs.
The fishery labour force is aging. Close to 40% of current enterprise heads will retire from the fishery over the next decade. There are
fewer people coming through the industry to take the place of retiring captains and the fishing crew labour force is also older than the
Canadian labour force in general.
Economic trends in many parts of the industry have negatively affected crewmembers the most. Incomes have stagnated for the crew
labour force overall, in part because of shorter working seasons and the greater financial pressures on enterprise owners.
Reduced fishing opportunities have an added implication: in an industry where most of the training takes place on the job, the reduction
in fishing time not only limits employment opportunities but also makes it more difficult to attract and train new entrants. In many fleets,
young people no longer have opportunities to “grow up in the fishery” as was the case for most of the current labour force. Higher licence
prices mean less chance of pursuing careers as owner-operators.
The research provides substantial evidence of the essential role played by community and family in the ongoing renewal of the fisheries
labour force. The majority of new entrants get jobs in family or community businesses, and the majority of those who became enterprise
heads do so by taking over a family-owned or community-based enterprise.
To the extent that the fishery labour force shrinks, or market pressure disrupts the traditional patterns of inter-generational transfer of
fishing equity, this system of labour force recruitment and professional preparation will break down. As families lose control of fishing
assets these will tend to become more concentrated in the larger centres, taking jobs and future economic benefits away from coastal
communities. This process is already well advanced on the Pacific Coast.
The emerging crisis in the fishery labour force is both a contributor to, and a result of, wider socio-economic and demographic trends
in coastal-rural regions. The loss of fishing employment and incomes contributes to local decline, but rural communities in general, face
growing difficulties holding onto young people who are staying in school longer and leaving to seek better paying, year-round jobs in urban
areas. Young people have attractive careers options to choose from and will not stay in fishing if the industry is not on a par with other
occupations in terms of incomes and secure futures. Employers in both fish processing and harvesting are now reporting difficulties finding
and retaining workers, a problem that few had to face in the past.
The Unique Challenges In The Pacific Region
One overarching finding of this study is that the fisheries’ labour force in the Pacific Region faces challenges of a different order of
magnitude entirely than is the case for the Atlantic coast.
The policy approach in the Pacific Region of DFO has contributed to the concentration of ownership of licences and quotas in the
Vancouver-Richmond-Victoria region leaving many coastal-rural communities without control of, or access to, adjacent resources. Fisheries’
employment is shrinking rapidly in remote coastal regions, and this is seen to contribute significantly to the patterns of economic
breakdown, particularly for youth, in First Nations communities.
The other striking aspect of the current situation in the Pacific Region is the lack of partnership and cooperation both among industry
groups and between many industry groups and DFO. There are issues and tensions in all DFO regions, but the situation in British
Columbia appears to be unique in terms of the lack of effective mechanisms for dialogue and consensus building for policy development
and fisheries’ management.
4
The study identifies an acute crisis of sustainability for the fisheries’ labour force, and for fisheries-reliant communities in British
Columbia.
The New Fishery –The Trend Towards Self-Management
DFO restructuring, cost cutting and policy renewal have increasingly transferred fisheries’ management roles and responsibilities to industry
through co-management agreements and other arrangements. This trend is also extending into health and safety as other government
departments and agencies (e.g. Transport Canada and Provincial Workers’ Compensation Boards) increase their regulation in these areas.
The study identifies three distinct approaches for government-industry interaction: the traditional “top-down” model where government
sets the standards and enforces them (more or less effectively), the “contracted services” model where government sets the standards
and private sector agencies deliver the services with varying levels of accountability to industry groups, and the “professional self-determination”
model where government negotiates agreements on management targets and objectives with democratic industry
organizations, and the organizations themselves oversee implementation and are accountable for results.
The report documents innovative ways in which harvester organizations in different parts of the country are working creatively with government
regulators to take control of their situations through professional self-determination. It concludes that fish harvesters will increasingly need
the knowledge and skill sets and the organizational capacities associated with this approach to prosper in this new environment and that these
attributes will, in future, be as integral to the identity of fish harvester as handling vessels and catching fish at sea.
Renewal Of Professionalization
The report reviews the state of fish harvester professionalization initiatives across the country. Newfoundland & Labrador and Québec
have professionalization regimes in place that include mandatory training and certification linked to DFO licensing standards. Other
regions are developing alternative models that reflect different industry structures and relationships among fleet sectors. It is unlikely that
the Newfoundland and Québec models will be replicated in other regions.
In their public pronouncements, DFO and the provinces are in favour of improved training and certification for fish harvesters and
professionalization is widely considered a “good thing”. In practice, however, there is a lack of policy support and of proactive efforts to
move things forward in the face of the pockets of resistance in the Maritimes and British Columbia.
The report concludes that there is a compelling need for DFO to bring forward its long-awaited policy document on professionalization,
to spell out the conditions under which the Department will withdraw from the fish harvester registration function in regions still without
professionalization regimes, and to define the regulatory mechanisms for integrating experience and training standards established by
industry-led certification boards with the fisheries’ licensing system.
New Approaches To Professional Status
The report suggests that shorter fishing seasons on both coasts and limited fishing opportunities may require some new thinking about
professional status. Professional harvesters who earn significant incomes in short fishing seasons may still have time during the year when
they could find productive employment based on their skills in areas such as engine repair, carpentry, hydraulics, use of navigation and
communication technologies, etc. Such an approach may be of increasing importance, given that in many coastal-rural regions there are
growing shortages of skilled tradespersons due to out-migration and the aging workforce.
The report proposes that more work be done to explore options to encourage “occupational diversity” in ways that are not counter to
the basic objectives of fish harvester professionalization.
5
Emerging Education And Training Priorities
Telephone surveys, industry workshops and focus groups conducted as part of this study, generated much useful information on fish
harvester attitudes and experience with regard to training. The emerging training priorities as identified by harvesters are: small business
management, stock assessment and other scientific research, and capacity-building for self-management in conservation, stock and
habitat enhancement, fleet management and health and safety.
Close to 40% of captains and over 60% of crewmembers expressed interest in taking some form of fisheries training if it was accessible
and affordable. The level of interest is more notable given the age profile of captains and the fact that up to 40% of them will retire within
10 years.
The report concludes that there is sufficient interest to build training programs for the industry given the right mix of programs and
supports for participation.
The Commitment To Owner-Operator Fisheries
If not constrained and directed by clear public policy objectives, the evidence generated by this study suggests that market forces will
rapidly move the industry towards concentration in ownership and geographical location of fishing licences. In countries or regions where
such processes are advanced, the consequences for fisheries-dependent communities, and for the rural-based fisheries’ labour force,
have been far-reaching and predominantly negative. The sharp contrast presented in this report between Canada’s east and west coasts
provides the most compelling evidence to support this view.
The research findings in Canada and in other fishing nations indicate that the sustainability of community-based, owner-operator
fisheries requires a public policy commitment that is clear, comprehensive and effectively enforced. There are interesting policy models
in the United States, Norway, France, the United Kingdom, Ireland and the European Union. The most explicit policy framework that was
encountered, however, was the current licensing system in Atlantic Canada based on the Owner-Operator and Fleet Separation Policies.
An important lesson learned from the international comparisons, however, is that the effective development and “sheltering” of owner operator
fisheries may require a wider range of policy tools in the fisheries management field and beyond. These include financial supports
for intergenerational transfer of fishing assets, more effective taxation policies, regional/rural development services, and specialized
education and training programs.
In short, no one policy instrument within the fisheries management system will ensure the sustainability of community-based owner operator
fisheries. The situation calls for a more comprehensive and integrated approach that reaches across government departments
and federal/provincial jurisdictions.
To establish a common policy vision and to coordinate policies and programs, the Government of Canada, in partnership with fishing
provinces, will need to establish clear and coherent goals for the future of community-based owner-operator fisheries and put in place
specific policy and program instruments to achieve these goals.
Given the nature of the industry and the current allocation of legislated authority, the initiation of such a policy vision should be led by
the Minister of Fisheries and Oceans.
6
1.1. OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
This report presents a summary of findings and conclusions from the Phase II Human Resources Sector Study for the fish harvesting
industry in Canada.
The Phase I study was completed in 2001.1 It drew upon available data and secondary sources to describe and analyze the current
structure of the Canadian fish harvesting industry and the dominant trends impacting the harvester labour force. It also identified gaps
in available knowledge and recommended new research activities to fill those gaps.
The Phase I report was entitled Taking Our Bearing reflecting its primary focus on the examination of current conditions and the
collation of available knowledge. This report is entitled Setting a New Course because it draws upon new research findings to propose
policy and program options and to support informed decision-making on future directions and actions.
The overall purpose of a human resources development sector study is to provide critical data and analytical resources for the
development of a national human resources strategic plan. The assumption is that the findings from this study will, in future, be fed into
a planning process led by the national sector council for the industry (i.e. the Canadian Council of Professional Fish Harvesters [CCPFH]),
and involving the lead agencies for professionalization in the regions, the training institutions and other stakeholder groups and agencies.
The specific objectives for this study are:
1. To assess current and future demand and supply trends for skilled labour in the fish harvesting industry;
• The fish harvester labour force is comprised of enterprise heads (i.e. fishing captains or “skippers”) and crew working on
fishing vessels.
• The crew population is further sub-divided into apprentice captains (i.e. those who intend to become enterprise heads in
the future) and professional crewmembers.
2. To identify and analyze constraints on the capacity of the industry to meet the changing demand for skilled labour;
3. To identify changes in the mix and levels of skills required of the labour force and constraints on ongoing acquisition and
updating of these skills; and
4. To identify appropriate policy and programmatic responses to address the issues and challenges associated with current
and future demand for skilled labour to the industry.
1.2. STUDY ELEMENTS & METHODS
This study has involved the following research activities and methodologies.
1.2.1. Profile of the Fish Harvester Labour Force
The Phase I sector study report included a comprehensive review of secondary data sources to describe the fish harvester labour force.
Subsequent to the completion of that study, the data from the 2001 Canada Census became available. This current project uses the newer
Census data to generate a more up-to-date profile of the fish harvester labour force in terms of size, occupational makeup, age profile,
employment status and activity patterns, educational attainment, gender, mobility and other variables. The data also supports provincial
and sub-regional breakdowns and 10-year trends.
1 Taking Our Bearings: Situational Analysis of Canada’s Fish Harvesting Industry, a report prepared by PRAXIS Research & Consulting Inc. and GSGislason &
Associates Ltd., for the Canadian Council of Professional Fish Harvesters, Ottawa, October 2001.
1 PROJECT OVERVIEW
7
1.2.2. Telephone Surveys
Telephone surveys were conducted with statistically significant sample populations of fish harvesters in four categories:
• Enterprise heads in the Atlantic Provinces and Québec (1,205 completed survey interviews);
• Crewmembers in the Atlantic Provinces and Québec (600 completed survey interviews);
• Enterprise heads in British Columbia (300 completed survey interviews); and
• Crewmembers in British Columbia (171 completed survey interviews).
The survey questionnaires generated data on strategic topics including:
• Licences and quotas held by enterprises;
• Total earnings per enterprise from sales of fish;
• Intentions of enterprise heads regarding retirement and sale or transfer of licences;
• Anticipated market prices of enterprises, licences and other fishing assets;
• Intentions of crewmembers with regard to becoming enterprise heads;
• Perceived barriers to inter-generational transfer of fishing licences; and
• Experience and interest in training.
The surveys were conducted in the spring and fall of 2004.
1.2.3. Key Informant Interviews & Consultations
To generate in-depth and expert input on the key issues addressed in the study, interviews were held in each of the four Atlantic and
Pacific DFO regions with the following categories of key informants:
• Senior fish harvester leaders;
• Fish processor representatives;
• Independent fisheries experts (academics or professional consultants);
• Senior DFO managers; and
• Senior fisheries officials in provincial governments.
For freshwater and Arctic fisheries’ interviews were held with appropriate provincial or territorial fisheries managers and industry leaders.
All interviews were conducted with pre-tested interview guides.
1.2.4. Focus Groups & Workshops
Facilitated focus groups were conducted with representative groups of fish harvesters in each DFO Region on the Pacific and Atlantic
coasts. The agendas centred on sharing of initial findings from the telephone surveys and discussion of their implications with particular
regard to inter-generational transfer of licences.
The study also benefited greatly from the participation of the consultants as facilitators and presenters in meetings and workshops
with industry leaders and other stakeholders. Most of these sessions included a review of findings from the study and discussion of
implications and policy options. These included:
• A national workshop on training and regulatory change in the field of health and safety;
• Five workshop sessions with fish harvester leaders in British Columbia to develop analytical perspectives and policy
options specific to the Pacific Region. These included three multi-stakeholder policy workshops and two sessions with the
Board and other members of the British Columbia Council of Professional Fish Harvesters;
• Three workshops with the CCPFH National Expert’s Committee on Fisheries Management addressing issues of policy
renewal and capacity building in harvester organizations;
8
• A research and policy analysis workshop with the Nova Scotia Coastal Communities Network;
• A national conference of regional fish harvester professionalization boards and councils;
• Two planning workshops with the CCPFH National Working Group on Professionalization with the participation of the
regional certification boards and professionalization leadership groups;
• A workshop with the Executive of the CCPFH to review findings and develop policy options;
• A presentation of findings and policy workshop with franc

Nova Scotia Fish Landings

Nova Scotia Fish and Seafood Exports

Economic Value of the Nova Scotia Ocean Sector

 

Sportfishing Species Fact Sheets

Aquaculture Species Sheets

Fisheries and Aquaculture Loan Board

Nova Scotia’s Vibrant Coastline; Thriving Coastal Communities;and Sustainable Coastal Infrastructure: A Discussion Paper

Nova Scotia’s Vibrant Coastline;
Thriving Coastal Communities; and Sustainable Coastal
Infrastructure:
 
A Discussion Paper
DRAFT #3
Table of Contents
 
 
 
1.         INTRODUCTION                                                                                           1
 
                        Purpose of this paper                                                                       1
 
 
2.         NOVA SCOTIA’S VIBRANT COASTLINE                                     3
 
                        The fishing industry                                                                           3
 
                        The tourism industry                                                              4
 
                        Public access and Nova Scotian Culture                                       5
 
                        The Environment                                                                               6
 
 
3.         THREATS TO OUR VIBRANT COASTLINE                                             6
 
                        Economic Threats                                                                             6         
 
                        Environmental Threats                                                                      7
 
                        Department of Fisheries and Oceans –
                        Small Craft Harbours Constraints                                                   7
 
                        Volunteer Harbour Management                                                     8
 
 
4.         SUSTAINING OUR VIBRANT COASTLINE                                              9
 
                        Discussion questions                                                                    10

1.     INTRODUCTION
 
In 1998, fishermen and community members approached Coastal Communities Network (CCN) with a dilemma. They were working hard to recover from the collapse of the fisheries in the early 90’s and plan for a more sustainable industry. At the same time, the coastal infrastructure – wharves and harbours – essential to the industry were quickly deteriorating. At the request of its members,  CCN began collecting evidence of the vital social and economic role wharves and harbours play in Nova Scotia.
 
Since 1998, CCN has been raising awareness of the importance of wharves and harbours at a local, regional and national level. Much has been accomplished, including the groundbreaking study Between the Land and the Sea: the Social and Economic Importance of Wharves and Harbours in Nova Scotia.[1] Released in 2004, this report provided evidence of the central role that wharves and harbours play in the health and sustainability of our coastal communities and the provincial economy.   Since its release, the report has generated much interest in the state of coastal infrastructure from communities as well as numerous government departments at the municipal, provincial and federal levels. Interest is growing because the broader role of harbours, and the implications of losing community wharves, is becoming clear. 
 
Well maintained coastal infrastructure was integral to our past, it influences our present activities, and it provides creative and innovative opportunities for the future. Wharves and harbours are found all along our 7600 kilometers of coastline, contributing to provincial and local economies. In addition to the fisheries, this infrastructure supports a thriving tourism industry, boat building activities, public coastal access and is the foundation for numerous additional activities and spin off businesses. Harbours are meeting points along our coastline that provide opportunities for broad community economic development and the strengthening, and perhaps mending, of our social fabric. The disrepair and disappearance of our coastal infrastructure threatens the sustainability of our coastal communities and our vibrant coastline, on which our provincial economy and our Nova Scotian lifestyle depends.
 
Purpose of this paper
 
Wharves and harbours are traditionally identified as infrastructure for the fishing industry; however, this infrastructure has much broader implications for coastal communities and our coastline. The provincial Community Development Policy asserts that:
 
“the term “community economic development” should be replaced by a broader term – one that talks about the social, environmental, and cultural futures of communities as well as their economies”.[2]  
 
A thriving and diverse coastline is critical to our social, environmental and cultural future. Harbours and wharves are a frequent feature of our coast as a community resource and as points of public access to the shore. The Department of Fisheries and Oceans (DFO) recognizes the important and evolving role of harbours in coastal communities:
 
“DFO harbours have evolved from their use for the transportation of goods and people between coastal communities to the multi-use “working” harbours of today. At all stages the “government wharf” has been, and remains, an integral part of the economic and social fabric of the community.”[3]  
 
The role of coastal infrastructure is much greater than a means to economic gain. This paper seeks to raise awareness in government and the general public of the broader role of harbours and wharves. The provincial Community Development Policy emphasizes focusing on local assets to find solutions to local problems, with government playing a supporting role.[4] The paper below provides evidence that our coastline and our coastal infrastructure is one of our province’s greatest assets and that support can come from many different government departments. In fact, all of us can play a role in encouraging and supporting sustainable coastal infrastructure, thriving coastal communities and a vibrant  The paper below provides evidence that our coastline and our coastal infrastructure is one of our province’s greatest assets and that support can come from many different government departments. In fact, all of us can play a role in encouraging and supporting sustainable coastal infrastructure, thriving coastal communities and a vibrant Nova Scotia coastline.  
 
This discussion paper:
 
 

·        provides evidence of the connection between sustainable coastal infrastructure, thriving coastal communities and a vibrant Nova Scotian coastline;
 
·        outlines the threats and challenges facing our vibrant coastline; and
 
·        explains the importance of a multi-sector approach to building on the asset of our coastline in a way that benefits rural coastal communities as well as the provincial economy.
 

2.     NOVA SCOTIA’S VIBRANT COASTLINE 
 
Nova Scotia’s economy and social fabric is intricately linked to our coast and our access to the ocean. Our fisheries and tourism industry make substantial contributions to our economy. Access to the ocean is essential to Nova Scotian lifestyles, but is threatened by increased private ownership and changing ownership patterns. Our coastal infrastructure is central to maintaining our provincial economy, welcoming visitors and honouring our cultural roots. 
 
The Fishing Industry
 
The Government of Canada’s 2002 Ocean Strategy states, “oceans are the lifeblood that support many coastal communities and are our highways to the world’s market places”.[5] Shellfish, which accounted for 84% of landed value in 2002,[6] is currently the most valuable product harvested off our coast and is largely landed at wharves in small, rural coastal communities. This represents a major portion of fisheries revenue and contributes to local economies when fishermen spend income from their catch at their local restaurants, stores and other businesses. Despite a decline in landings in the early 90’s, the value of our fishery continues to increase. Our ocean’s resources hold incredible economic potential if it is managed properly and we are able to access it from our rural coastal communities.[7] is currently the most valuable product harvested off our coast and is largely landed at wharves in small, rural coastal communities. This represents a major portion of fisheries revenue and contributes to local economies when fishermen spend income from their catch at their local restaurants, stores and other businesses. Despite a decline in landings in the early 90’s, the value of our fishery continues to increase. Our ocean’s resources hold incredible economic potential if it is managed properly and we are able to access it from our rural coastal communities. is currently the most valuable product harvested off our coast and is largely landed at wharves in small, rural coastal communities. This represents a major portion of fisheries revenue and contributes to local economies when fishermen spend income from their catch at their local restaurants, stores and other businesses. Despite a decline in landings in the early 90’s, the value of our fishery continues to increase. Our ocean’s resources hold incredible economic potential if it is managed properly and we are able to access it from our rural coastal communities. Shellfish, which accounted for 84% of landed value in 2002, is currently the most valuable product harvested off our coast and is largely landed at wharves in small, rural coastal communities. This represents a major portion of fisheries revenue and contributes to local economies when fishermen spend income from their catch at their local restaurants, stores and other businesses. Despite a decline in landings in the early 90’s, the value of our fishery continues to increase. Our ocean’s resources hold incredible economic potential if it is managed properly and we are able to access it from our rural coastal communities.
 
The harvesting sector includes over 5350 inshore boats that each provides approximately 2-4 jobs in a rural coastal community. [8] Each of these boats is a small business that creates jobs in rural areas and contributes to the local and provincial economy. The Economic Value of the Nova Scotian Ocean Sector Study states “the Nova Scotia fishing industry (harvesting and processing) is a major source of direct and indirect employment and income, and is the province’s leading source of export earnings”. The rural location of the fishing industry is an important element of the industry’s economic significance.[9]
 
Working wharves also present opportunities for growth and development. Harbour management groups, which are volunteer organizations tasked with managing and maintaining wharves and harbours, are looking for ways to diversify. Currently we find restaurants, galleries, shops and interpretive centres on and around wharves. Some harbours have enough land to diversify into housing, cottages or other developments. Small Craft Harbours encourages harbour diversification since it is a way for harbour management groups to generate revenue. Where fisheries do not exist year round, harbour management groups can also find innovative ways to use wharves in the off season, perhaps for community festivals, boat shows, or marine tours. 
 
The Tourism Industry
 
In addition to the fishing industry, wharves and harbours play a major role in the provincial tourism industry. Each year, tourists flock to Nova Scotia to explore our coastline and visit our fishing communities. Much of Nova Scotia’s tourism and culture focus is inextricably linked to ocean activities and the natural environment, including fishing, sailing, nature tourism and beaches.[10] In 2003, the tourism industry generated in excess of $1 billion in revenues.[11] Wharves encourage the development of marine tourism operations like whale watching and bird watching. Small companies often cannot afford to build their own wharf, but having access to a wharf allows small businesses to develop and grow. Businesses at the wharf help to support local harbour management groups by paying for berthage space or volunteering on the harbour management board. In 2003, at least $2.7 million was generated by businesses that make direct use of wharves and harbours.[12] Community wharves also invite marine tourism as yachts and other pleasure boats look for places to pull in along the coast and experience Nova Scotian culture.  Wharves encourage the development of marine tourism operations like whale watching and bird watching. Small companies often cannot afford to build their own wharf, but having access to a wharf allows small businesses to develop and grow. Businesses at the wharf help to support local harbour management groups by paying for berthage space or volunteering on the harbour management board. In 2003, at least $2.7 million was generated by businesses that make direct use of wharves and harbours. Community wharves also invite marine tourism as yachts and other pleasure boats look for places to pull in along the coast and experience Nova Scotian culture.  Wharves encourage the development of marine tourism operations like whale watching and bird watching. Small companies often cannot afford to build their own wharf, but having access to a wharf allows small businesses to develop and grow. Businesses at the wharf help to support local harbour management groups by paying for berthage space or volunteering on the harbour management board. In 2003, at least $2.7 million was generated by businesses that make direct use of wharves and harbours. Community wharves also invite marine tourism as yachts and other pleasure boats look for places to pull in along the coast and experience Nova Scotian culture. In 2003, the tourism industry generated in excess of $1 billion in revenues. Wharves encourage the development of marine tourism operations like whale watching and bird watching. Small companies often cannot afford to build their own wharf, but having access to a wharf allows small businesses to develop and grow. Businesses at the wharf help to support local harbour management groups by paying for berthage space or volunteering on the harbour management board. In 2003, at least $2.7 million was generated by businesses that make direct use of wharves and harbours. Community wharves also invite marine tourism as yachts and other pleasure boats look for places to pull in along the coast and experience Nova Scotian culture.
 
However, tourist activities that do not make direct use of wharves and harbours also benefit from sustainable coastal infrastructure. Wharves are a central piece of the coastal environment tourists seek when visiting our province. Visitors want to eat at the restaurant, stay at the bed and breakfast, visit the interpretive centres, and explore the coastal walking trails on or connected to wharves.   
 
The tourism industry anticipates continuing growth in coastal based tourism. The Nova Scotia Tourism Partnership Council established a plan to double tourism revenues in 10 years. The third of 11 steps states:
 
“The Tourism Industry develops a code of practice/management and partnership for the protection and access of Nova Scotia’s coastal perimeter” .[13] 
 
The tourism industry and operators recognize the importance of wharves and harbours to their success and are active in ensuring their sustainability. Furthermore, one of the priorities of the provincial Department of Tourism, Culture and Heritage is:
 
“to create and advance a sustainable tourism development strategy for Nova Scotia’s 7600 kilometres of coastline”.[14]  
 
Though a growing industry with an increasing focus on the coast, tourism needn’t threaten the fishing industry and other traditional uses of wharves and harbours. In fact, tourism industry leaders argue that:
 
“harbour communities and their fishing industry activities are themselves very significant tourist attractions that need to be protected and more effectively promoted. They see the tourism industry as a whole, and not just the direct users, as dependent on wharves and harbours.”[15]
 
In addition to the fishing and tourism industries, coastal infrastructure also supports boat building business, which generated approximately $80 million in annual sales and 800-900 jobs in 2002.[16]
 
Public Access & Nova Scotian Culture
 
Wharves have been the social centre of coastal communities for centuries. Losing a wharf is as detrimental as losing a school, hospital or church since wharves are also public gathering points. Provincial government studies indicate that only 4% of our coast is publicly owned.[17] As public access to the coast decreases, wharves provide increasingly important access to beaches and shoreline for residents, visitors and tourists alike. Access to the ocean is part of our Nova Scotian culture. Wharves also provide inspiration for local artists and craftspeople that develops our cultural identity and recognition around the world. A vibrant coastline means that citizens and tourists have access to the coast and can celebrate all of what it has to offer. Culture, which includes our economic and social activities, is dynamic and constantly evolving; wharves and harbours root us to our past and provide opportunities in our ever-changing future. As public access to the coast decreases, wharves provide increasingly important access to beaches and shoreline for residents, visitors and tourists alike. Access to the ocean is part of our Nova Scotian culture. Wharves also provide inspiration for local artists and craftspeople that develops our cultural identity and recognition around the world. A vibrant coastline means that citizens and tourists have access to the coast and can celebrate all of what it has to offer. Culture, which includes our economic and social activities, is dynamic and constantly evolving; wharves and harbours root us to our past and provide opportunities in our ever-changing future.
 
 
 
The Environment
 
Healthy coastal communities depend on the economic and social contributions of harbours and the ocean discussed above, but they also rely on a healthy and safe environment. Rising sea levels due to climate change will increase coastal erosion and threaten coastal communities, including buildings and roads. Sound harbour infrastructure prevents coastal erosion and damage.[18] Furthermore, proper maintenance and the use of proper materials lessen the impact of harbours on the environment. Finally, the designated access that harbours and wharves provide to the ocean helps protect saltwater marshes, dunes and other sensitive areas adjacent to harbours. With proper planning, government and coastal communities can be prepared to deal with environmental issues along the coast.  Furthermore, proper maintenance and the use of proper materials lessen the impact of harbours on the environment. Finally, the designated access that harbours and wharves provide to the ocean helps protect saltwater marshes, dunes and other sensitive areas adjacent to harbours. With proper planning, government and coastal communities can be prepared to deal with environmental issues along the coast. 
 
3.     THREATS TO A VIBRANT COASTLINE
 
Economic Threats
           
Residential coastal development is increasing in many coastal communities. This type of development can conflict with traditional activities at the wharf, for example, new residents may not appreciate the sounds and smells associated with a working wharf. Furthermore, developments can drastically increase taxes making it hard, or impossible, for long time residents to live along the coast and maintain working waterfronts. Changes are happening quickly in Nova Scotia; we require sound planning to ensure that our coastal communities and coastal infrastructure do not suffer as residential coastal developments increase.
 
            Consolidating small fishing harbours and trading many small boats for a few large boats is detrimental to the fishing industry and local economies. Each  fishing boat is a small business that creates between 2-4 rural employment        opportunities.[19] Consolidating harbours and moving to bigger boats will             increase rural unemployment and cause the closure of thousands of small       fishing businesses around the province. 
 
In addition to small fishing businesses, tourism and other types of businesses in coastal communities will suffer with the closing of wharves and harbours. Tourists visit Nova Scotia to see coastal communities with active, working waterfronts. Many tourism businesses, including accommodations, stores, recreation, and restaurants benefit from being located on or near a wharf. Beyond tourism, as small fishing boats disappear and fewer people are employed in the community, there will be fewer wages earned in rural areas to support local businesses. Rural businesses, including fishing boats, tourism operations and other rural based businesses depend on working wharves to provide jobs and support the local economy.
 
Environmental Threats
 
Coastal infrastructure and related activities are affected by the environmental threats to our coastline. Climate change will result in many threats and challenges. Already our coast is sensitive to flooding and erosion, in fact, the Atlantic region has the greatest length of sensitive coast in Canada. Changes in our climate may result in rising sea levels due to the thermal expansion of water and the melting of the ice caps. Furthermore, experts predict that storm frequency and intensity will also increase as a result of climate change. This means larger, more powerful waves reaching the shoreline, increased magnitude of storm surges and a higher probability of storm surges occurring in conjunction with high tide.[20]
 
Environmental threats to harbours also include contaminated runoff that puts marine life at risk, including fish and plant species that play a role in our economy and our biodiversity. Residential development in sensitive coastal ecosystems is increasing rapidly along our coastline and exacerbating problems of coastal erosion, dune vegetation loss and habitat destruction.
 
Department of Fisheries and Oceans - Small Craft Harbours Constraints
 
Currently, Small Craft Harbours, a branch of the Department of Fisheries and Oceans, is responsible for the maintenance of federally owned wharves in Nova Scotia. A comprehensive review of DFO-SCH policy and program documents shows that years of budget restraint have resulted in wharves not being adequately maintained. This means high levels of risks for users. Despite 2002/2003 spending levels that exceed those in the early 1990’s before substantial cuts were made in the mid-1990’s, engineering experts stated that an additional $50 million is needed annually to maintain the integrity of core harbours. In 2004, 21% of the most active harbours registered substandard performance ratings according to SCH criteria. The reinvestment rate necessary to meet the replacement and maintenance needs of a harbour should be between 4.0% and 4.2% of total asset replacement value. This figure applies to new structures; wharves in Nova Scotia range from new to 50 year or older.   In 1999, the investment rate in Nova Scotia was 1.36%.[21] Since 1999, more programs for harbour reinvestment have been introduced and it is probable that the reinvestment rate has increased.[22]   Due to these constraints, SCH has concentrated its spending on repair, maintenance and replacement of capital on only the most active fishing harbours.    Due to these constraints, SCH has concentrated its spending on repair, maintenance and replacement of capital on only the most active fishing harbours.    Due to these constraints, SCH has concentrated its spending on repair, maintenance and replacement of capital on only the most active fishing harbours.  Since 1999, more programs for harbour reinvestment have been introduced and it is probable that the reinvestment rate has increased.   Due to these constraints, SCH has concentrated its spending on repair, maintenance and replacement of capital on only the most active fishing harbours. 
 
Another response to this situation was to introduce the Harbour Authority (HA) model in an effort to devolve responsibility for harbour maintenance and management to harbour users. Under this system, SCH retains ownership of the harbours and leases them to representative user groups that form a volunteer harbour authority. The HA takes over the management and daily operations of the harbour. If no one in the community expresses interest and the facilities are unsafe, the wharf is slated for demolition or total divestiture.[23]
 
SCH’s 2002-2005 business plan calls for inventory reductions of up to 50% of all harbours. As of October 2003, 120 harbours had been divested in Nova Scotia.[24] When SCH decides to divest of a wharf, community groups, municipalities and individuals are given the opportunity to take over the harbour infrastructure. Currently, in addition to the approximately 180 SCH wharves in When SCH decides to divest of a wharf, community groups, municipalities and individuals are given the opportunity to take over the harbour infrastructure. Currently, in addition to the approximately 180 SCH wharves in Nova Scotia, approximately 40 wharves were taken over privately (individuals or industry) or by Municipalities or Towns. Approximately 65 wharves are owned, managed and maintained by community organizations, many of which rely solely on volunteers and cannot approach SCH for resources or support.[25] These harbours may be used for fishing, recreation or a combination of both.  These harbours may be used for fishing, recreation or a combination of both. 
 
Often private ownership of wharves results in decreased access to or unsafe working conditions in the harbour. However, incentives exist to encourage privately owned wharves to be run in a public manner. The Province of Nova Scotia does not tax wharves that are publicly run[26]. This ensures access to wharves and the ocean while being privately owned and maintained. . This ensures access to wharves and the ocean while being privately owned and maintained.
 
VolunteerHarbour Management
 
DFO originally anticipated that harbour authorities would take over all operating costs by 2001. However, many harbour authorities are not financially self-sufficient and are not stabilized as community organizations.[27] Many harbour authorities and non-SCH harbour management groups, lack the capacity to manage the complex infrastructure of a harbour.  Many harbour authorities and non-SCH harbour management groups, lack the capacity to manage the complex infrastructure of a harbour. 
 
The government expected local volunteers with an interest in harbours to form the management authorities. These volunteers are often local independent fishermen whose livelihoods depend on a functioning harbour but may also include other community members. However, the business of fishing can keep fishermen from being able to consistently engage in community volunteerism because while working they are usually out on the water before daybreak and resting when community groups usually meet. The paradox is that without a functioning harbour, they are unable to fish and their livelihood and that of the entire community is at stake.
 
The devolution of harbour management to community groups has resulted in high levels of volunteer fatigue and burnout. A recent study found that wharves of all sizes and even those with paid staff, experience volunteer burnout. Some burnout was caused by a lack of organizational capacity or human resources to do the work. Other causes included navigating through government departments to find the information necessary to carry out their duties. These were factors in both SCH harbour authorities and community organizations that operate their wharves without SCH support. Surprisingly, harbour authorities that have operated the longest indicated the most severe levels of burnout; it seems that harbour management is not getting easier with time.[28]
 
4.     SUSTAINING OUR VIBRANT COASTLINE
 
In order for our coastline to be vibrant and our coastal communities to thrive, we must make an effort to sustain our wharves and harbours. By letting this coastal infrastructure deteriorate, we risk our fishing and tourism industries, our public access to the coast, and our unique coastal communities and Nova Scotian culture. However, the responsibility of sustaining coastal infrastructure no longer rests with one federal department. Already we see communities, non profit organizations and government departments working individually and collectively to create innovative and sustainable plans for our coastline and coastal infrastructure. These efforts, and most importantly, these partnerships, will ensure sustainable coastal infrastructure, thriving coastal communities and a vibrant coastline for many generations. 
 
 Discussion questions
 
1.                  What do you see as the greatest opportunities for our coast and our coastal infrastructure?
 
2.                  What do you see as the greatest threats?
 
3.                  Do you agree with the position put forward by this paper that we all have a role to play in ensuring sustainable coastal infrastructure, thriving coastal communities and a vibrant coastline? 
 
a.      What is the role of various government departments at the federal, provincial and municipal levels?
b.      What is the role of communities?
c.      What is the role of non profit organizations?
d.      Who else needs to be involved?


[1] The full report and more information about CCN is available online at www.coastalcommunities.ns.ca
[2] Province of Nova Scotia. A Discussion Paper on Community Development. September 2003.
[3] Small Craft Harbours, DFO, Capital Plan for Small Craft Harbours 2002/2003 to 2004/2005, November 15, 2001.
4 Province of Nova Scotia. A Discussion Paper on Community Development. September 2003.
[5] Government of Canada. Canada’s Ocean Strategy: Our Oceans Our Future. 2002. 
[6] Government of Canada and Government of Nova Scotia. Economic Value of the NovaScotianOcean Sector. January 2005.
[7] CCN, Between the Land and Sea: The Social and Economic Importance of Wharves and Harbours in Nova Scotia, January 2004.
[8] Government of Canada and Government of Nova Scotia. Economic Value of the NovaScotianOcean Sector. January 2005.
[9] ibid
[10] Government of Canada and Government of Nova Scotia. Economic Value of the NovaScotianOcean Sector. January 2005.
[11] CCN, Between the Land and Sea: The Social and Economic Importance of Wharves and Harbours in Nova Scotia, January 2004.
[12] Ibid. CCN’s Between the Land and the Sea Study and the Government’s Economic Value of the Nova Scotian Ocean Sector both recognize that ocean tourism numbers are difficult to define since research has not been done in this area.
[13] ibid
[14] Government of Canada and Government of Nova Scotia. Economic Value of the NovaScotianOcean Sector. January 2005.
[15] CCN, Between the Land and Sea: The Social and Economic Importance of Wharves and Harbours in Nova Scotia, January 2004.
[16] Government of Canada and Government of Nova Scotia. Economic Value of the NovaScotianOcean Sector. January 2005.
[17] CCN, Between the Land and Sea: The Social and Economic Importance of Wharves and Harbours in Nova Scotia, January 2004.
[18] Small Craft Harbours, Fisheries and Oceans Canada. Capital Plan for Small Craft Harbours 2002/2003 to 2004/2005. November 2001.
[19] Government of Canada and Government of Nova Scotia. Economic Value of the NovaScotianOcean Sector. January 2005.
 [20] Karthryn Parlee, Reducing Community Risk: Potential Impacts of Climate Change for Coastal Communities in Atlantic Canada. Notes unpublished. Presented April 2003, Tatamagouche, NS.
[21] CCN, Between the Land and Sea: The Social and Economic Importance of Wharves and Harbours in Nova Scotia, January 2004.
[22] MacDonald, P. (2005). Personal Communication. May 24. At the time of writing, a more current reinvestment rate had not been calculated.
[23] CCN, Between the Land and Sea: The Social and Economic Importance of Wharves and Harbours in Nova Scotia, January 2004.
[24] ibid
[25] CCN. “One Plank at a Time”: Volunteer Harbour Management in Nova Scotia” March 2006. Some of these wharves may not have originally belonged to SCH, for example, they may have been Department of Transportation wharves. However, most of these wharves have been divested from SCH to community groups, in which case SCH no longer owns or is responsible for the structure.
[26] Please see the Province of Nova Scotia’s Assessment Act
[27] CCN, Between the Land and Sea: The Social and Economic Importance of Wharves and Harbours in Nova Scotia, January 2004.
[28] CCN. “One Plank at a Time”: Volunteer Harbour Management in Nova Scotia” March 2006.
 

Canadian Coast Guard

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Nova Scotia Heritage Lighthouses

Economic Value of the Nova Scotia Ocean Sector

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Canadian Tide Tables

Nova Scotia Heritage Lighthouses

Nova Scotia Heritage Ports and Harbours

Canadian Hydrographic Service

Information on Aquaculture

Before You Build A Wharf Or Do Other Work On The Shore Of Your Coastal Waterfront Property

Before You Build A Wharf Or Do Other Work On The Shore Of Your Coastal Waterfront Property

Important commercial and recreational species of fish and shellfish need quality habitat to thrive. Waterfront construction must be planned to help protect the areas where these species live and grow. It's that simple - no habitat, no fish.
Impacts on Fish and Fish Habitat
Fish and shellfish have specific environmental needs. They cannot survive in an area if the characteristics of their habitat change beyond their tolerance.
Fish, shellfish, aquatic insects, and their habitats can be severely affected by waterfront activities and construction in waterways and along coastlines:
  • Construction-related chemicals, machinery fuels and lubricants, and wood preservatives can be toxic to marine life.
  • Infilling eliminates suitable aquatic wildlife habitat.
  • Wharves, breakwaters and causeways change water current patterns, and can cause erosion and sedimentation severely changing habitat conditions.
  • Suspended sediment or silt smothers fish, shellfish eggs, and insect larvae. It reduces the production of food organisms for recreational and commercial species and transforms important, productive habitat into aquatic wastelands.
Applying for a Permit
Before building a wharf or any other structure below the ordinary high water mark (OHWM) of any coastal waters, you must have a permit from the Department of Natural Resources. If you follow standard guidelines, the application can be processed at the Department of Natural Resources office near your property.
Your permit application must include the location of your property and information about what you want to construct. In most instances, the land covered by water is Crown land, and various acts and policies apply to the use of the land.
For construction in fresh water, you must contact the Department of Environment and Labour.
Guidelines
The guidelines outlined below are designed to accommodate most requests. However, it is recognized that they may not meet the requirements of special situations that occur along Nova Scotia's diverse shorelines. Where the physical environment demands construction beyond the scope of these guidelines, you must make special application at your local Department of Natural Resources office. Your application will be subject to review by, and approval from, other departments and an environmental asssessment may be required.
Wharves and boat ramps must be constructed of materials which do not leach toxins and are free of oil, grease and other contaminants. Wood treated with creosote or pentachlorophenol (PCP) may not be used.
Wharf Construction
The wharf must not exceed 3.66 metres (12 feet) in width and 30.48 metres (100 feet) in length (beyond the OHWM).
The wharf may be supported by cribs or poles. Infilling is not permitted, with the exception of clean, non-toxic material from a non-waterbody source, used to fill cribwork.
A space of at least 1.22 metres (4 feet) must be maintained between any supporting poles. Crib structures are not to be sheathed in below the ordinary high water level.
Crib dimensions may not exceed 3.66 metres (12 feet) in any direction.
An open span of at least 3.05 metres (10 feet) must be maintained between each crib.
The first crib must be located either entirely on the landward side of the OHWM or at least 3.05 metres (10 feet) from, and on the seaward side of, the OHWM. The first crib is not permitted to straddle the OHWM.
Boat Ramp Construction
The boat ramp must not exceed 4.57 metres (15 feet) in width. Total coverage of the bed of the body of water below the OHWM by all portions of the boat ramp must not exceed 27.9 square metres (300 square feet). Existing rocks within the proposed ramp area may be moved aside, by hand or machine, provided they are not removed from the waterbody.
Repair To Existing Wharves
A permit is required to repair an existing wharf, unless
- the work is limited to that portion of the wharf which is above the level of ordinary high water; and
- the work will not substantially increase the size of the wharf.
In any event, wharf repairs must be carried out in accordance with Department of Natural Resources general guidelines. Conact your local Department of Natural Resources office for further information.
Breakwater Construction
Solid breakwaters can have a significant impact on the coastal environment. The preferred method for creating shelter water for a craft is to place baffles between the spans of a crib or poles of a constructed wharf, or to place sheathing as prescribed by a permit.
Infilling
Infilling in front of recreational or residential properties is generally not permitted.
An application to infill may be considered if the project is likely to result in a public benefit. The application would be subject to extensive review by staff of the Department of Natural Resources. The Department of Fisheries and Oceans (Canada) would also review the project to identify any possible navigation and fish habitat concerns. In most instances, the proponent is required to purchase the infilled land if the project is approved.
Bank Protection
Bank protection work which is carried out entirely above the ordinary high water mark of your property does not require a permit from the Department of Natural Resources. However, you are responsible for implementing proper erosion control measures to protect the aquatic environment from siltation.
If the bank protection requires placement of material, or operation of machinery, below the ordinary high water mark, you are required to obtain a permit from the Department of Natural Resources. The project may also be subject to review by the Department of Fisheries and Oceans (Canada).
Moorings
Moorings must be constructed of materials which do not leach toxins and are free of oil, grease and other contaminants.
Owners of waterfront property are generally permitted to place one mooring in front of and within 60 metres (197 feet) of their property, without a permit. Other persons who wish to place moorings within this area generally require the consent of the owner of the upland property and a permit from the Department of Natural Resouces.
Moorings located more than 60 metres (197 feet) from the shoreline may be permitted without the consent of the upland owner, at the discretion of the Department of Natural Resources.
Disclaimer / Further Information
The above is provided for general information purposes only. For more detailed information, or to obtain an application for construction on coastal submerged lands, please contact any Department of Natural Resources office. (For construction activities in fresh water, please contact the Department of Environment and Labour).

Municipal Website Links

Highway Condition Web Cameras

Nova Scotia Weather

Economic Impact of Offshore Oil and Gas Development on Nova Scotia, 1990-2000

The World Ocean Observatory

Marine and Oceans Industry

Nova Scotia Fish Landings

Nova Scotia Fish and Seafood Exports

Economic Value of the Nova Scotia Ocean Sector

Sustainable Water Management



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